IAM Local S6 Becomes First Organizational Member of APRI-Maine / by Andy O’Brien

Image via Maine AFL-CIO News

Reposted from the Maine AFL-CIO News


The International Association of Machinists Local S6, which represents production workers at Bath Iron Works, has officially become the first Organizational member of the A. Philip Randolph Institute – Maine Chapter. APRI Maine’s mission is to advance the cause of full participation of people of color in our unions and communities, to develop leaders and activists of color, and to eliminate racism and its effects in our organizations and throughout our state.

“Local S6 is honored to support the A. Philip Randolph Institute with their work to ensure equality in the workplaces and communities of Maine. All workers deserve to be afforded equal opportunities regardless of race,” said Chris Williams, President of IAM S6. “We are proud to play a part in APRI’s mission. Together, we can elevate the voices of people of color and their experience will guide us to break down the barriers built by racism.”

If your union would like to join APRI-Maine contact Garrett Stewart at 207-504-1106 or email him at gstewart4785@outlook.com


Andy O’Brien is lifelong Mainer, writer, former Maine state legislator, and former editor of The Free Press, a newspaper covering midcoast Maine. He covered Maine state politics for nine years with a focus on Lincoln, Knox, and Waldo counties. He is also the communications director of the Maine AFL-CIO.

University of California workers could launch strike to reject repression of student protests / by Peoples Dispatch

Police detain students at UCLA in a parking lot. Photo: PSL

UAW Local 4811, representing student workers from the University of California system, are holding a strike vote in response to the university’s actions against pro-Palestine protesters

Reposted from People’s Dispatch


From May 13 to May 15, members of the United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 4811 will be holding a strike authorization vote for a potential strike, in response to the University of California’s crackdown on peaceful pro-Palestine student protesters.

Vote Yes on strike authorization: May 13-15 pic.twitter.com/KamvAU8yEq

— UAW 4811 (@uaw_4811) May 10, 2024

On May 3, the union local filed Unfair Labor Practices (ULP) charges against the University of California (UC) system, in response to various UC campuses sending police officers to brutalize student protesters staging Gaza Solidarity Encampments.

Last week, administration at the University of Los Angeles- California sent in the Los Angeles Police Department to clear out the Gaza Solidarity encampment staged by student protesters, peacefully demanding that their university divest from Israel. The encampment had been under several rounds of attack from violent Zionist counter protesters, who released bags of mice and cockroaches near the encampment and deployed fireworks and pepper spray against students. University officials did not respond to these attacks, instead, in the pre-dawn hours of Thursday morning, LAPD armed with riot gear swept into the camp, deploying rubber bullets and flashbang grenades against the pro-Palestine student protesters.

UCLA student organizers reported that at least five people were shot in the head with rubber bullets, landing students in the hospital with serious injuries. 132 arrests were made and LAPD demolished the encampment.

“Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation, understand that fascism is already here, that people are already dying who could be saved, that generations more will live poor butchered half-lives if you fail to act.” – Comrade George Jackson pic.twitter.com/BSdvIfg6Jx

— The New York War Crimes (@nywarcrimes) May 2, 2024

Similar repression also occurred by police against students at the University of California – San Diego encampment on Monday morning of this week, with hundreds of police forces invading the camp in riot gear and arresting 64 protesters.

“It is important for Academic Employees to vote YES in the strike authorization vote to show UC Administration that this unprecedented crackdown on free speech on University campuses is unacceptable,” writes UAW 4811. “Our members have been beaten, concussed, pepper sprayed, both by counter-protestors and by police forces. As a union, it is our responsibility to stand beside them and demand that UC stop committing these gross Unfair Labor Practices.”

ULP strikes are fully legal in the United States, however, striking for a political cause is banned under the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947. This means that in the United States, union members have far fewer rights to express collective political will than in other countries. Other practices banned under Taft-Hartley include jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes (strikes undertaken without the approval of union leadership), solidarity strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and donations to federal political campaigns.

Although UAW 4811 are calling for a ULP strike, fully legal under Taft-Hartley, their collective action begins to challenge the longstanding political neutrality of the US labor movement, which has been fostered by a hostile, anti-union system of legislation. Their bold actions as student workers, supporting students who are standing in solidarity with Gaza, echo some other actions taken by organized labor within the student movement for Palestine.

At Columbia University, UAW 2710, the Student Workers of Columbia, staged multiple pickets around Columbia’s Gaza Solidarity Encampment while it still stood, and has called for “full amnesty for all students, staff, and faculty facing disciplinary action related to pro-Palestine protest and speech.” The local has even stood completely with the demands of student protesters for Columbia’s divestment from Israel.

“We do not back down from demanding the full transparency of Columbia University on their investments, full divestment, and amnesty for all the students and student workers who have suffered disciplinary actions for their activism,” the union wrote in a statement. “We vow to use our labor power and the tools we have as a labor union to continue the fight in solidarity with Gaza, the whole of Palestine, and the international worker movement that continues to fight for their liberation.”

Unionized faculty at the City University of New York system also took action in support of student protesters staging a Gaza Solidarity Encampment. On April 29, within the Gaza Solidarity Encampment at the City College of New York in New York City, university workers organized under the Professional Staff Congress (PSC-CUNY) held a town hall meeting to deliberate on how to use their labor power to support the five demands of the student encampment. The members attending the town hall organized a wildcat sick-out, in which union members will call in sick en masse to disrupt business as usual at the larger City University of New York (CUNY) system. The PSC faculty at the town hall voted overwhelmingly to stage a sick-out.

“Our students are taking incredible risks to support the Palestinian people. They have asked for our help. We must stand ready to struggle alongside them, and to take these risks,” faculty wrote in a statement.

After the Governor of Texas sent state troopers to brutalize student protesters at the Gaza Solidarity Encampment at the University of Texas – Austin, faculty at the university announced a 24-hour work stoppage for April 25. These faculty acted together in support of the students, even without a union.


Peoples Dispatch, formerly The Dawn News, is an international media project with the mission of bringing to you voices from people’s movements and organizations across the globe. Since its establishment three years ago, it has sought to ensure that the coverage of news from around the world is not restricted to the rhetoric of politicians and the fortunes of big companies but encompasses the richness and diversity of mobilizations from around the world.

Workers mount massive general strike against right-wing Argentine government / by Morning Star

A few public buses drive through empty streets near the Retiro train station during a general strike against the reforms of President Javier Milei in Buenos Aires, Argentina, May 9, 2024. | AP

Reposted from the Moning Star: The People’s Daily (UK)


Argentina’s biggest trade unions mounted one of their fiercest challenges to the free-market fundamentalist government of President Javier Milei today with a mass general strike.

The walkouts led to the cancellation of hundreds of flights and halted key bus, rail and subway lines. Main avenues and streets, as well as major transportation terminals, were left eerily empty.

The 24-hour strike against Milei’s contentious austerity and deregulation agenda threatened to bring the nation of 46 million to a standstill as banks, businesses and state agencies closed in protest.

Most teachers couldn’t make it to school and parents kept their kids at home. Rubbish collectors walked off the job, as did health workers, other than in A&Es.

The government said transport service disruptions would prevent 6.6 million people from making it to work. That was apparent during morning rush-hour today as few cars could be seen on streets typically snarled with traffic. Rubbish was already piling up on deserted pavements.

CGT, the country’s largest union federation, said it was staging the strike alongside other labour syndicates “in defence of democracy, labour rights and a living wage.”

Argentina’s powerful unions — backed by left-leaning Peronist parties that have dominated national politics for decades — have led the pushback Milei’s policies on the streets and in courts over recent months.

“We are facing a government that promotes the elimination of labor and social rights,” the unions said.

The government downplayed the disruption as a cynical ploy by its left-wing political opponents.


We hope you appreciated this article. At People’s World, we believe news and information should be free and accessible to all, but we need your help. Our journalism is free of corporate influence and paywalls because we are totally reader-supported. Only you, our readers and supporters, make this possible. If you enjoy reading People’s World and the stories we bring you, please support our work by donating or becoming a monthly sustainer today. Thank you!


Moning Star: The People’s Daily (UK)

Letter Carriers launch “Stamp Out Hunger” food drive, look to increase donations / by Press Associates

NALC

Reposted from Peoples World


WASHINGTON —With 44 million people in the U.S., including 15 million kids, going to bed hungry every night, the Letter Carriers kicked off their annual “Stamp Out Hunger” food drive with a ceremony at union headquarters on May 8.

The drive, which depends on voluntary donations of non-perishable food, or cash, or both, helps re-stock pantries, shelters and other sources of free food for those who lack something to eat, said NALC President Brian Renfroe. The shelters “are desperate to meet their needs,” he added.

“Letter Carriers know the struggles that people in their communities face—we see it every day. For more than three decades, we’ve helped to meet their needs, and it’s time to do so again.”

Last year, Letter Carriers collected 43 million pounds of food and spent the Saturday before Mother’s Day—just as they will this May 11—collecting it and redistributing it to food providers whose stocks are running low. The NALC’s drive is the largest one-day food drive in the nation.

That’s especially important in the spring because a key source of free and low-cost meals for kids, the nation’s public schools, are about to adjourn for the summer. For those kids, Renfroe and other speakers said, that hot lunch at school is their only complete and balanced meal, five days a week.

But this year, like last year, the NALC faces a big problem: The 40% drop in donated food over the years of the coronavirus pandemic.

The pandemic put paid to the annual drive for several years. Before the modern-day plague hit, Letter Carriers picked up bags and boxes of food customers left out by their mailboxes. The usual annual total came to around 70 million pounds of food.

During the pandemic, carriers couldn’t collect food due to health restrictions. So NALC sought cash contributions. The dollars came in, but when the pandemic receded and the drive resumed, giving patterns had changed—and have yet to bounce back. “A lot of the food banks are still accepting only money donations,” Renfroe told Press Associates Union News Service after the ceremony.

So the Letter Carriers are trying new ways to excite participation. The ceremony was a start. It included talks from United Food and Commercial Workers President Marc Pallone and Rural Letter Carriers President Don Maston, as well as several corporate partners, notably KellaNova—the rebranded Kellogg’s—and the CVS pharmacy chain.

Pallone pledged a $250,000 cash contribution, too. “As the union representing essential food workers, we witness the impact of hunger every day,” he explained. “There are many times” UFCW checkers see “people come up the food store lines and have to put things back because they don’t have enough money to pay for them.”

NALC drive activists at the event added the union found the traditional post cards in mailboxes just don’t work anymore. So NALC is turning to social media and signed up a nationwide apartment building ownership group to distribute flyers to millions of tenants, among other ideas.

And while the AFL-CIO has been a constant and enthusiastic food drive partner ever since the campaign began more than 30 years ago, the Letter Carriers want to push the rest of the federation to the forefront of aiding the food drive, too.

But the NALC will still take the lead, since there are Letter Carriers in every state, city, town, village and countryside, plus U.S. territories and commonwealths.

“There are few people who know their communities like we do,” Renfroe said. “We see our customers who are struggling—every day.”


We hope you appreciated this article. At People’s World, we believe news and information should be free and accessible to all, but we need your help. Our journalism is free of corporate influence and paywalls because we are totally reader-supported. Only you, our readers and supporters, make this possible. If you enjoy reading People’s World and the stories we bring you, please support our work by donating or becoming a monthly sustainer today. Thank you!


Press Associates Inc. (PAI), is a union news service in Washington D.C. Mark Gruenberg is the editor.

Pushing back on veto, farmworker advocates say Mills’ proposal scaled back labor rights / by Evan Popp

David McNew/Getty Images

Maine Department of Labor has reported challenges enforcing existing wage and hour violations

Reposted from Maine Morning Star


Supporters of a bill vetoed by Gov. Janet Mills that would have established a minimum wage for farmworkers say changes the governor wanted would have significantly scaled back existing labor rights and reduced farmworkers’ ability to recoup unpaid wages. 

Legislators will vote on whether or not to override that veto on Friday.

Proponents of the bill were deeply frustrated after the governor’s veto late last month, saying it was “absolutely ridiculous” for Mills to reject a measure she herself proposed. However, Mills said while she supports a minimum wage for agricultural workers, changes made to her bill by the Legislature left her with no choice but to oppose the measure. 

The governor’s veto hinged on the question of whether farmworkers should be able to directly sue their employer if they believe there is a violation of labor law (also known as a private right of action).

Mike Guare, an attorney in the farmworker unit of Pine Tree Legal Assistance, said all workers currently have a right of private action in Maine to enforce unpaid wages, citing a statute that says either the employee themselves or the Maine Department of Labor (DOL) can bring forward a legal complaint over unpaid wages or health benefits. 

A commission set up by the governor to provide recommendations for Mills’ farmworker bill — established after she vetoed another farmworker minimum wage measure last year — did not touch on the issue of a private right of action in its report in February.

But when the governor released the text of her bill in March, it stipulated that only the DOL had authority to bring an action against an employer that violated the proposed farmworker minimum wage statute. 

Guare said while there is some uncertainty over how exactly the law would have been interpreted, his reading of Mills’ bill is that farmworkers wouldn’t have had a private right of action if they were being paid the minimum wage of $14.15 an hour but would have retained a private right of action if they were making more than $14.15, but only for unpaid wages in excess of the minimum wage. So Guare said if the legislation had become law and a farmworker was making $15.15 an hour, they could only file a private lawsuit for the extra dollar in unpaid wages above the minimum wage.

But since most farmworkers make relatively close to the minimum wage, Guare said Mills’ bill would have curtailed farmworkers’ right to bring a private action against their employer for the bulk of their possible unpaid wages.

Claims that proposal would spur excessive suits by farmworkers

Workshopping the bill text, Democrats on the Legislature’s Labor and Housing Committee removed Mills’ restrictions on farmworkers’ private right of action.

The committee’s version of the bill ultimately passed both the Maine Senate and House of Representatives before Mills vetoed it. In her veto message, the governor argued that enforcement by the DOL would be sufficient and said she was concerned that allowing a private right of action for farmworkers would “result in litigation that would simply sap farmers of financial resources and cause them to fail.” 

In a statement, the Maine Potato Board — which rescinded its support for the bill once it contained a private right of action — also said that clause could have harmful impacts on farms.  

“The concerning part of this for the ag industry is when employers are found in court to be not liable, they are still responsible for their own legal representation,” assistant executive director Jeannie Tapley said. “Our concern lies primarily with employers having no recourse to get their legal fees paid for in the case they are not found liable.” 

Tapley also argued that allowing a private right of action would result in “undue litigation” against farms. 

However, Guare said farmworkers — many of whom are migrant laborers — typically only seek legal recourse as a last resort to address particularly poor labor conditions. 

Rep. Amy Roeder (D-Bangor), House chair of the Labor and Housing Committee, added that for farmworkers coming from other countries who might not have a lot of connections within Maine and may not speak English as a first language, accessing the legal system is likely to be challenging. 

“So the governor’s view of the state turning into this litigation-happy atmosphere where ag workers are bringing spurious lawsuits, it’s some weird dystopian fantasy that has no basis in reality or fact,” Roeder said. 

Roeder said Democrats on the Labor and Housing Committee didn’t want to take a right away from agricultural employees in order for them to gain access to minimum wage protections. 

Further, she pointed out that the bill Mills put forward already represented a significant compromise. The governor’s proposal didn’t include reforms that advocates have long pushed for such as overtime pay for farmworkers, union rights, or allowing unpaid 30-minute rest breaks every six hours. 

“The fact that we couldn’t even get the governor to sign her own bare bones, least-we-could-do bill just shows you how little the governor cares for agricultural workers in our state,” Roeder said. 

Mills’ office did not respond to a request for comment for this story. 

Questions about Dept. of Labor enforcement capacity

Arthur Phillips, a policy analyst with the Maine Center for Economic Policy who was part of the stakeholder commission that worked on recommendations for the bill, agreed with Roeder’s argument that advocates already gave up a lot in their attempt to get minimum wage protections for farmworkers. 

“That was a deeply compromised bill,” he said of Mills’ proposal.

Phillips pointed out that another issue with Mills’ insistence that only the DOL should be responsible for the farmworker minimum wage statute is that the department — by its own admission — has struggled with its capacity to enforce labor laws.  

In a report released in February, the DOL wrote that Maine employers faced average penalties of just 39 cents per wage and hour violation last year and could expect an investigation from the department once every 323 years. 

The fact that the DOL has just one wage and hour inspector for every 69,177 employees combined with the low average penalty assessed per violation means the department’s “deterrent effect has been non-existent in past years,” the agency wrote.   

The DOL did not respond to a request for comment about whether it believes it would have had the capacity to enforce the farmworker minimum wage statute.

Phillips emphasized that the department is doing the best it can given its capacity. But even though several bills were approved this session to improve the agency’s ability to enforce labor laws, he said it’s still important that farmworkers maintain access to the courts so they have another avenue of recourse.

“It is clear to me that DOL does not have the capacity that it should have to enforce the laws that we have on the books as it is,” Phillips said. 

Editor’s note: Maine Morning Star reporter AnnMarie Hilton contributed reporting to this story. 


Evan Popp studied journalism at Ithaca College. He joins Maine Morning Star following three years at Maine Beacon writing about statewide politics. Before that, he worked for the Santa Fe New Mexican newspaper and interned at the Progressive magazine, ThinkProgress and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

Union makes Letter Carriers Protection Act a top legislative priority / by Press Associates

NALC

Reposted from Peoples World


BALTIMORE—Slowing down the U.S. mail, especially first-class letters, Social Security checks, holiday and birthday cards, pension payments—and probably mail-in ballots this fall—is one offense laid at the feet of Trumpite Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, because it’s actually occurred.

But pulling U.S. Postal Service police away from pursuing thieves and protecting Letter Carriers from theft, injury and even murder, and sending the cops to protect buildings instead, is quite another. And that action’s compounded because U.S. attorneys don’t treat thefts and injuries as a top priority.

The Letter Carriers (NALC) want to change that scenario. So they’ve put the bipartisan Protect Our Letter Carriers Act, HR7629, atop their legislative priority list for the rest of this Congress.

“We are here to send a very clear message: Enough is enough is enough,” new NALC President Brian Renfroe said in days before another “Enough is enough!” rally on April 30 in Baltimore. It featured local NALC and other union leaders and Rep. Kweisi Mfume, D-Md., one of the legislation’s 58 co-sponsors.

“The next step is critical, and that next step is federal legislation that will deter these attacks from happening, prosecute every criminal who attacks one of our members, and protect Letter Carriers while doing their jobs,” Renfroe said.

The big problem is thefts, often organized by gangs or pairs of thieves working together, of mailbox keys which Letter Carriers use to open banks of post boxes, the modern-day replacements for individual mailboxes at personal homes and apartments.

The thieves use the stolen keys to rob the businesses and homeowners of checks, including Social Security and pension payments. But they also shoot at, injure and even kill carriers.

Whether the union’s message gets through to DeJoy, a GOP big giver whom Republican former President Donald Trump foisted on the Postal Service as Postmaster General, is another matter.

Has slowed down letters

DeJoy’s the corporate chieftain whose 10-year-plan to “reform” the USPS has slowed down first class letters in favor of packages. The former CEO of XPO Logistics, a package delivery firm, has been credibly criticized for conflicts of interest—a common development in his class—while running USPS.

And during his reign, the USPS police have been shifted from protecting Letter Carriers and pursuing thieves to protecting buildings, the USPS Inspector General reports.

Armed thieves shot and wounded several Letter Carriers in Chicago last year. Carrier Jonte Davis of Warren, Ohio, was killed in a drive-by shooting there a month ago. Authorities in Warren link his murder to the thefts. And Daquan Wilson and a 17-year-old were arrested in the last full week of April in Camden, S.C., and charged with attempted armed robbery, possession of a stolen firearm and criminal conspiracy in connection with a robbery try against a Letter Carrier there.

“Since 2020, there have been more than 2,000 crimes committed against Letter Carriers on the job,” an NALC summary of the legislation says. “Many of these attacks involve a gun or another weapon. This bipartisan legislation would address this problem by ‘devaluing the key infrastructure’” i.e. replacing regular mechanical post office box keys with electronic ones only the carriers could activate.

It would also order more prosecution and impose tougher sentences on convicted thieves.

The measure would establish special Assistant U.S. Attorneys in each of the nation’s 91 federal court districts specifically assigned, with a staff, to prosecute the thefts. “This bill would strengthen sentencing guidelines for these crimes, ensuring they are treated in the same manner as assaults on federal law enforcement officers,” which are felonies, the NALC fact sheet says.

“Due to workload and other priorities, these cases often sit on District Attorneys’ desks, are not federally prosecuted, and the alleged assailants are not held accountable.”

And HR7629 allots $7 million over five fiscal years, starting this October 1, to step up the pursuits and prosecutions of postal thieves.

Mail theft has skyrocketed since 2019, the U.S. Postal Service’s Inspector General reports. There were 300,000 mail theft complaints from March 2020-February 2021. Thefts were up 161% then from the prior 12 months. And while 286,000 checks were stolen from the mail in 2019, that number has more than doubled since, to 742,000 last year.

The union is marshalling public support for HR7629 via its website, http://www.nalc.org. Besides opposition from DeJoy and the corporate cabal the former XPO Logistics CEO brought in to run the USPS, the legislation faces another roadblock: The Republican-run House.

When Rep. Mfume, lead sponsor Brian Fitzpatrick, R-Pa., and 56 other lawmakers dropped HR7629 in the hopper on March 12, it went to committees two of the most-rabid Trumpites in the U.S. House control: Judiciary and Oversight and Accountability.

Judiciary Chairman Jim Justice, R-Ohio, and Oversight Chairman James Comer, R-Texas, are leading their Republican majorities in a joint fruitless hunt for evidence to impeach Democratic President Joe Biden—shoving aside almost everything else.


We hope you appreciated this article. At People’s World, we believe news and information should be free and accessible to all, but we need your help. Our journalism is free of corporate influence and paywalls because we are totally reader-supported. Only you, our readers and supporters, make this possible. If you enjoy reading People’s World and the stories we bring you, please support our work by donating or becoming a monthly sustainer today. Thank you!


Press Associates Inc. (PAI), is a union news service in Washington D.C. Mark Gruenberg is the editor.

Despite vetoes, labor rights for some Maine farmworkers will increase under new federal rule / by AnnMarie Hilton

Workers pick tomatoes at a farm owned and operated by Pacific Tomato Growers on February 19, 2021 in Immokalee, Florida. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

Reposted from Maine Morning Star


Despite Gov. Janet Mills vetoing two bills that would have increased labor protections for Maine farmworkers, some agricultural workers will soon benefit from new federal regulations.

At the end of April, the U.S. Department of Labor finalized the Farmworker Protection Rule to protect the self-advocacy and safety of farmworkers, while enhancing employer accountability. According to a news release from the DOL, the rule targets temporary workers who are part of the H-2A Visa Program, which helps fill gaps when domestic workers are in short supply.

The new rule takes effect June 28. 

“This rule ensures farmworkers employed through the H-2A program are treated fairly, have a voice in their workplace and are able to perform their work safely,” said DOL Acting Secretary Julie Su. “It also promotes employer accountability, benefitting all farmworkers by upholding labor standards.”

In 2023, there were nearly 1,350 farmworkers in Maine registered in the H-2A program through the Office of Foreign Labor Certification, according to data from the DOL. However, the number could be higher since the agency said it does not keep data on all H-2A workers in Maine, only those who are certified. 

The rule will allow workers to advocate for better working conditions for themselves and their coworkers. It will also improve transparency in the foreign labor recruitment process by requiring more information to be collected about farm owners, operators and managers. There are also added safety requirements such as mandating seat belts in most vehicles that transport workers, according to the department.  

The rule expands the activities that are protected by anti-retaliation provisions and clarifies when workers are terminated “for cause” to make sure workers aren’t unjustly let go. 

The Maine Legislature approved two bills that would have expanded state-level labor rights for all agricultural workers. The proposals would have guaranteed a minimum wage for farmworkers and given them the right to discuss wages and engage in concerted activity, but the governor vetoed both bills.

Legislators will be voting Friday on whether or not to override those vetoes.


AnnMarie Hilton grew up in a suburb of Chicago and studied journalism at Northwestern University. Before coming to Maine, she covered education for newspapers in Wisconsin and Indiana.

Gov. Mills signs executive order to boost employment of women in construction / by Emma Davis

 Jetta Productions/Getty Images

Reposted from Maine Morning Star


Gov. Janet Mills signed an executive order on Monday to boost the recruitment, training and retention of women in the construction industry in Maine. 

The order directs state agencies to collect baseline data to better assess the status of women in construction in the state, consult with state-wide entities like unions to improve upon that status, as well as identify and carry out state and federal grant programs that incentivize businesses to hire women and support their retention in the industry. 

“Women are a crucial part of Maine’s workforce, and they should be welcomed and embraced in every sector of our economy, including those traditionally dominated by men like the construction industry and the trades,” Mills said.

While women comprise more than 50% of the nation’s workforce, they make up only 11% of the construction industry and 4% of trade occupations. Women in construction make up slightly more of the industry in Maine, at about 15%, according to the governor’s office. 

“This Executive Order will create pathways for more women to enter and succeed in these important jobs at a time when our state and the industry needs them most,” Mills added.

Job openings in the industry are near record levels and landmark investments, such as the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and Inflation Reduction Act, are slated for a number of projects such as improving road infrastructure and broadband connectivity that will require a robust workforce.

Overall, Maine needs more workers. The state’s 10-year economic strategy outlines a goal of attracting 75,000 people to Maine’s talent pool by 2029. 

The percentage of jobs unfilled in Maine has nearly doubled compared to 20 years ago, according to the annual “State of Working Maine” report from the Maine Center for Economic Policy released in the fall. And, at the same time, Maine’s workforce has seen far less growth compared with growth nationally. 

Further, according to the Maine Department of Labor, the state’s workforce is projected to shrink by tens of thousands of people throughout the next decade compared with levels seen prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. 

“Careers in construction can be exciting and rewarding, but our industry needs more people,” said Joyce Taylor, chief engineer at the Maine Department of Transportation. “New attitudes and technologies have helped broaden and diversify our industry’s workforce. Today, a career in construction is a good fit for anyone who wants to challenge herself and feel pride in her accomplishments at the end of each day.”

Representatives from major industry players, including Maine AFL-CIO and the Maine Chapter of the National Association of Women in Construction, also voiced support for the executive order Monday. 

“Maine unions are focused on training more women in the trades through registered apprenticeship and pre-apprenticeship programs, and women who have come through these programs have added tremendous talent and capacity to our construction workforce,” said Sam Boss, Maine AFL-CIO Apprenticeship, Workforce & Equity director. “This Executive Order will help us to expand existing programs and support innovative efforts to recruit and train more women around the state.”

The executive order outlines four overarching directives, one being that the Departments of Labor, Health and Human Services, and Economic and Community Development connect construction businesses with women studying the trades in pre-apprenticeship and apprenticeship programs and higher education institutions, in addition to women who are currently unemployed and registered with the state’s career centers.

Two of the order’s components have a specific focus on data collection. The Department of Labor will be tasked to survey Maine-based contractors, staffing agencies and unions to assess how many women work for them and barriers that may be preventing more women from joining. The surveys will also collect information about current recruitment and retention practices to be improved upon. 

The Departments of Transportation and Economic and Community Development, as well as the Governor’s Energy Office, are also tasked to collect and share data from contractors who receive federal infrastructure and Inflation Reduction Act funding to identify the number of workers still needed to complete projects and identify what added supports, such as training, could be useful in filling the gap. 

The order also directs those departments, as well as the Governor’s Office of Policy Innovation and the Future, to pursue grants that incentivize construction businesses to hire women. 

This latest executive order builds on earlier state investments to expand apprenticeship programs, strengthen technical education and provide more people with access to college through Maine’s free community college program

Back in 2020, Maine’s chapter of the the Associated General Contractors of America also adopted something called the Culture of C.A.R.E.  model, which stands for Commit, Attract, Retain and Engage, to build a more diverse and inclusive workforce. 

Kelly Flagg, executive director of AGC Maine, said she’s been seeing more diversity in the people selecting construction as a career of choice.

“Our Maine Construction Academy metrics show a significantly more diverse population than has been historically represented,” Flagg said, “including showing an increase in women choosing construction.”

The executive order took effect immediately upon the governor signing it Monday. 


Emma Davis is a reporter based in Portland, Maine, where she focuses on government accountability.

What the Decline of Lean Production Means for Workers / by Kim Moody

A worker sorts out parcels in the outbound dock at Amazon fulfillment center in Eastvale, California, on August 31, 2021. (Watchara Phomicinda / MediaNews Group / The Press-Enterprise via Getty Images)

In the wake of the pandemic supply-chain shocks that revealed the fragility of lean production, US businesses are emulating Amazon by developing sprawling, adaptable logistics networks. These networks contain key vulnerabilities that workers can target.

Reposted from Jacobin


For three and a half decades, lean management drove the production and movement of goods. But now logistics and manufacturing employers are shifting to a new model. To maximize our leverage, workers should understand it.

Lean production, introduced in the 1980s from Japanese automakers, caught on in many US industries. It was a whole bundle of techniques to maximize profit, including ratcheting up workloads and pace to the point of breakdown, and inviting workers to brainstorm ways to increase their own exploitation.

A central component was “just-in-time” (JIT) delivery, so companies weren’t spending to make extras or store anything until it was needed. Even within a plant, parts and supplies would arrive exactly when, where, and in the quantities they had to. Manufacturing productivity in the United States increased about 4 percent a year until the Great Recession of 2008–2010.

But then it collapsed, reflecting the exhaustion of lean production and its tech. The annual increase in manufacturing productivity was lagging by 2019. It rose again in 2021 as the pandemic eased, but then fell again in 2022 and 2023.

The “management-by-stress” methods weren’t working anymore. “Multifactor productivity,” a Bureau of Labor Statistics measure of the impact of tech advances, streamlined organization, and increases in worker effort and management efficiency, dropped after 2010 to its lowest level since the crisis-ridden, pre-lean 1970s.

Technology also failed to improve worker output. A 2020 International Labour Organization study of auto plants in the United States, Germany, and China found that the introduction of automation and robotics had “not been very successful” in restoring productivity and was often abandoned.

After a brief productivity increase in trucking and warehousing following the Great Recession, productivity in these sectors collapsed too. As of 2016, delivery times from US suppliers to businesses were rising.

Business Thinks Twice

The pandemic pushed delivery times even longer. The COVID- and climate-driven “supply chain crisis” of 2021–2022 revealed just how vulnerable to disruption JIT was and finally led businesses to reconsider some of the major aspects of lean production — above all just-in-time delivery and depending on just a single supplier.

Shippers turned to holding more inventory. The industry magazine GlobalTranz noted in its 2022 logistics report that “given the potential for delays, lean strategies have proven too rigid.” Citi GPS reported that as of 2023, corporations were switching “from a just-in-time to a just-in-case approach.”

A 2023 Accenture survey of more than 1,200 companies revealed that 42 percent had already moved from JIT to multiple sourcing, and 72 percent planned to do so within three years.

The importance of JIT had been that it reduced costly inventory, whether of parts or of finished products. Now, as productivity fell and delivery times rose, inventories grew by an average 4.3 percent annually from 2010 to 2019, and then faster — 7.1 percent annually from 2019 to 2022 — as companies began to switch to just-in-case. This hurt profit rates and company competitiveness, domestically and internationally.

Amazonification

How could companies get the advantages of just-in-case without the high inventory costs? The answer was found in the means that propelled Amazon’s rapid growth: keeping inventory relatively low by rapidly moving millions of products to thousands of locations. As its sales increased fivefold from 2015 to 2022, Amazon’s inventory-to-sales ratio fell from 9.3 percent to 6.7 percent.

The twin secrets to its success are a brutal labor process, in which tasks and pace are directed by algorithms, and an increasingly dense logistics system. By 2023, the journal Transport Topics ranked Amazon as the number one global freight carrier.

Amazon’s trick is to get payment from customers, mostly by credit card, before it pays the vendors whose products it sells. The revenue it earns in this time gap it calls its “free cash flow,” a disguised form of otherwise taxable profits, because while Amazon is holding this money it can use it to buy more goods and expand facilities in order to make even more money. In 2022, Amazon made $12 billion in “operating income” (declared profits), but also drew in $11.6 billion in “free cash flow.”

But to make this work it must move things rapidly and continuously. This is neither just-in-time nor just-in-case.

Amazon has developed a dense logistics system that maximizes the velocity at which all products move constantly within and between locations. Besides fulfillment centers, in 2014 it added Prime Hubs and sortation centers, and in 2016 delivery stations.

The number of fulfillment centers more than doubled, from 139 in 2018 to 349 in 2022. Sortation centers tripled from 47 to 140 over the same period. Delivery stations, the last stop before the customer, grew sevenfold, from 87 to 656. Next Amazon is planning to build 150 “ultrafast delivery hubs.”

These facilities are concentrated in major metropolitan areas, close to large labor markets and lucrative consumer markets. As Amazon VP Udit Madan told the Wall Street Journal, “The doubling of footprint really allowed us to have a lot more facilities that were closer placed to customers.”

By 2022, Amazon had a fleet of seventy thousand vehicles, and it is planning to purchase one hundred thousand electric vans. Most of these are driven by contingent drivers under its Flex program or those working for contractors called Delivery Service Providers. By 2021, it incorporated forty-two regional airports for longer-distance rapid delivery.

Dense, Fast, Vulnerable

This highly orchestrated and optimized model is now shaping logistics for the US economy as a whole.

Companies like Target are following Amazon’s lead, seeking to control inventory levels and outpace their rivals by creating dense networks of facilities and adding vehicles. Across the United States, the number of trucks, warehousing and trucking facilities, and workers in these jobs are all growing at accelerating rates.

Facilities are clustered around big cities. A 2021 survey by McKinsey of “global supply-chain leaders” found that almost 90 percent “expect to pursue some degree of regionalization in the next three years” — meaning more products will be produced closer to the customer. A 2023 poll by Accenture indicated that 38 percent of executive respondents were already mostly sourcing regionally, and 65 percent planned to do so in the next three years.

These regional systems are connected by railroads and interstate highways. To better coordinate them, Citi GPS reported in 2023, companies are seeking “control tower” visibility over their supply chains — intensifying the digital surveillance, routing, and tracking of goods and labor.

These changes all put more pressure on the workers. But what is also taking shape, as companies abandon lean methods in favor of digital technology, is a system with more “nodes” and “links” — points of connection, transfer, or exchange that are activated by human labor both within and between plants, warehouses, and other facilities.

As John Womack put it in his recent book, Labor Power and Strategy, “any product that moves now, anybody who moves, goes through more connections in chains and networks than a generation ago.” Each of these points is vulnerable to worker action — disruption there will cost revenue and create costly pileups of inventory. Workers stationed at such points have what Womack calls “positional power.”

This is true of the Amazon fulfillment center “picker” who feeds automated conveyors; the team that loads a truck; the driver of a truck or train; the assembly-line workers whose speed determines the speed of those behind them; the maintenance workers who keep mechanical or digital devices working; and so on through the workforce.

The exercise of positional power can put the brakes on the velocity of inventory, goods, and revenue to make strikes and work-to-rule actions more effective. The trick is to find the points of vulnerability, a task that calls for collective decision-making and coordination between workers.

This isn’t really a new idea. The Flint sit-down strike that brought General Motors to its knees in 1937 won recognition for the United Auto Workers because the workers seized the key Chevy 4 engine plant that supplied the other plants in Flint and beyond. With today’s tightening of supply chains and the proliferation of vulnerable points in both production and transportation, this type of strategic thinking and acting can aid not only in winning gains for union workers but also in organizing the unorganized.

That’s important, because the reconfigured production and logistics workforce is mostly nonunion, often contingent or part time. Last year, the number of private sector union members grew by 191,000, and 70 percent of these worked in manufacturing or transportation and warehousing.

Many workers in these sectors are people of color, and the vast majority of those who unionized were Black or Latino and young workers, who tend to be more pro-union.

The number of workers forming unions by National Labor Relations Board–supervised elections is growing, but it’s still far too slow to change the balance of power at the heart of the economy. The collective awareness and coordinated use of positional power offers a powerful alternative route — and an additional organizing tool.

Republished from Labor Notes.


Kim Moody was a founder of Labor Notes and now lives in London where he is a researcher, a frequent writer on labor issues, and a member of the National Union of Journalists.

Inequality Is the Price of Corporate Greed / by Max Lawson

Dividends to rich shareholders have risen 14 times faster than wages, causing inequality to spiral. (Credit: Getty Images)

Reposted from the Tribune


The billionaire Warren Buffet famously said once, ‘There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.’  New analysis released by Oxfam this week for International Workers’ Day shows concretely that since 2020, the rich class, as Buffet calls them, are winning big.

Global dividend payments to rich shareholders grew on average fourteen times faster than worker pay in thirty-one countries, which together account for 81 percent of global GDP, between 2020 and 2023. Global corporate dividends are on course to beat an all-time high of $1.66 trillion reached last year. Payouts to rich shareholders jumped by 45 percent in real terms between 2020 and 2023, while workers’ wages rose by just three percent. The richest one percent, simply by owning stock, pocketed on average $9,000 in dividends in 2023 — it would take the average worker eight months to earn this much in wages.

This matters because as long as returns to capital increase faster than returns to work, the inequality crisis will grow.  At the heart of our economy is a constant struggle between the owners — or capital, as it is known in economics — and the workers, or labour. The measure of progress, or the lack of it, is the extent to which the benefits of all those billions of hours of labour worked each day are accruing to workers and their families, driving greater equality, or the extent to which benefits are accruing to the owners of capital, driving greater inequality.

For the majority of people on our planet, the years since 2020 have been incredibly hard. The pandemic was a huge blow; the millions lost to the disease, and the millions more thrown into destitution as the world ground to a halt. The sharp increase in the cost of food and other essentials that followed in 2021 has become a grinding new reality for many families across the world as they try to buy oil, bread, or flour without knowing how many meals they will have to skip that day. I think of friends in Malawi, for example, where I used to live, who are struggling each day to stay afloat; or the millions here in the UK who rely on food banks just to stave off hunger. Globally, poverty is still higher than it was in 2019. Inequality between the rich world and the Global South is growing for the first time in three decades.

But for the richest in our society, the owners of capital, the years since 2020 have really been good. Billionaires, of whom there are about 3000 worldwide, are some of the biggest shareholders. Seven out of ten of the world’s largest corporations have a billionaire CEO or a billionaire as their principal shareholder. Over the last decade, billionaire wealth increased by around seven percent annually. Since 2020, it has accelerated to 11.5 percent a year.

The term ‘shareholders’ has a democratic ring to it, but this is patently false. In fact, it is the richest people in the world who own the largest proportion of shares, and indeed all financial assets. Research on twenty-four OECD countries found that the richest 10 percent of households own 85 percent of total capital-ownership assets — including shares in companies, mutual funds and other businesses — while the bottom 40 percent own just four percent. In the USA, the richest one percent own 44.6 percent, while the poorest 50 percent own just one percent. 

The rich are not only rich, they are predominantly men, and they are predominantly white. In the USA, 89 percent of shares are owned by white people, 1.1 percent by Black people and 0.5 percent by Hispanic people. Similarly, globally, only one in three businesses are owned by women. So those bumper returns to shareholders are basically boosting incomes and wealth at the top.

How can we fix this? Taxing the super-rich much more would be a great start; the news here is good, because Brazil, which is chairing the G20 group of the world’s most powerful economies this year, has put the need to increase taxes on the formal agenda for the first time. At the same time, President Biden has once again said he supports a new billionaire tax.

But ultimately, tax is about fixing a problem after it becomes one. The key thing is ensuring the economy does not create such huge inequality in the first place. One critically important way to do this is to tip the scales back in favour of workers. The fruits of labour should be enjoyed by workers, not by those who, as John Stuart Mill said, ‘grow rich in their sleep without working, risking or economising’. This will only happen with an increase in worker organisation and workers’ power. When workers’ power has been high, inequality has been low, and as the International Monetary Fund has pointed out, declining membership of unions has directly contributed to increases in incomes at the top.

Given this, the resurgence in strikes and increase in the power and voice of workers we have seen in recent years is amazing. It is still a fraction of what is needed to tip those scales, but a whole new generation of workers are seeing the power of organising. Gen Z’s support for unions is the highest of any living generation. From the autoworkers in the USA to the garment workers in Bangladesh, we see workers fighting back against owners, and fighting for a fairer, more equal world.

Workers worldwide need to grab the scales and pull them back towards them; this will in turn create the politics and the economics of a new age of equality.


Max Lawson is head of inequality policy at Oxfam International.

28 Current & Former Union Members File to Run for Maine Legislature / by Andy O’Brien

Photo via: maineaflcio.org/news/

Reposted from Maine AFL-CIO News


Another election is on the horizon this year and several current and former union members have filed to run for the Maine Legislature. The Maine AFL-CIO has not officially endorsed anyone yet as we are still receiving candidate surveys and will not make official endorsements until delegates vote at our COPE Convention in late June.

Twenty-eight of the candidates running for office are current or former union members from several different union locals. Union representation includes the United Steelworkers (USW), the Maine Service Employees Association (MSEA-SEIU), the Maine Education Association (MEA), the Communications Workers of America (CWA), Laborers International Union of America (LIUNA) the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) and the Brotherhood Of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen (BLET), American Postal Workers Union, and International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW).

The candidate filing deadline was March 15, but as is often the case, some filers are placeholder candidates, which buys more time to recruit a candidate. The deadline for replacement candidates is in July, so this list could change in the meantime. Below are union members and former union members running for State House and Senate seats at this time.

House Incumbents:

  • Rep. Amy Roeder (AEA, SAG-AFTRA & PATFA-AFT), Bangor
  • Rep. Matt Beck (IBEW 1837, retired), South Portland
  • Rep. Allison Hepler (AFUM-MEA), Woolwich
  • Rep. Lydia Crafts, (MEA), Newcastle
  • Rep. Bruce White, (UPIU, retired), Waterville
  • Rep. Dan Shagoury, (MSEA-SEIU 1989, retired), Hallowell
  • Rep. Morgan Rielly, (IBEW, former), Westbrook
  • Rep. Marc Malon, (IBEW 1837), Biddeford

House Challengers
 

  • Scott Cuddy (IBEW 1253), Winterport
  • Kilton Webb (IBEW 567), Durham
  • Scott Girardin, (LIUNA 327), Sabattus
  • Dan Lauzon, (BLET), Lebanon
  • David Projansky, (MSEA-SEIU 1989, retired), Lewiston
  • Doris Poland (APWU retired), Windham
  • Nate Burnett (MEA), Hiram
  • David McCrea (MEA, retired), Fort Fairfield

Senate Incumbents

  • Sen. Joe Rafferty, MEA (retired), Kennebunk
  • Sen. Mike Tipping (MSEA-SEIU 1989), Orono
  • Sen. Cameron Reny (MEA), Bristol
  • Sen. Chip Curry (UMPSA), Belfast
  • Sen. Tim Nangle (IAFF), Windham
  • Sen. Dave LaFountain (former IBT), Waterville
  • Sen. Henry Ingwersen (MEA), Arundel

Senate Challenger

  • Michelle Labree Daniels, (CWA 1400), Brewer
  • Vaughn McLaughlin (MEA), Fort Fairfield
  • Ethan Brownell, (MEA), Pittsfield
  • Katie O’Donnell (MEA), Wilton
  • Bruce Bryant (USW), Dixfield

Please let us know if we are missing any union members running for the State Legislature.

How to Support Clean Elections Candidates

Several of these candidates are using the Maine Clean Elections Program, a public campaign financing program aimed at reducing the influence of money in politics by providing public funds to qualifying candidates for state offices. Under the Maine Clean Elections Act, participating candidates for state legislature must collect 60 (State House of Representatives) or 175 (State Senate) $5 qualifying contributions from voters within their district. Once they meet these requirements, every qualifying candidate receives the same set amount of public funds to finance their campaign. Amounts vary depending on which office is being sought.

If you would like to help candidates qualify for Clean Elections Funding visit Maine.gov/cleanelections and contribute $5. You can only contribute to each candidate of your choice one time, and it can be no more or less than $5.


Andy O’Brien is lifelong Mainer, writer, former Maine state legislator, and former editor of The Free Press, a newspaper covering midcoast Maine. He covered Maine state politics for nine years with a focus on Lincoln, Knox, and Waldo counties. He is also the communications director of the Maine AFL-CIO.

Big May Day change: “Fight for 15 and a Union” converts to “Fight for a Union” / by Press Associates

Fight for a Union/X (Twitter)

Reposted from Peoples World


WASHINGTON — “Fight for $15 and a union” has become “Fight for a Union.”

In a way that reflects a success for the first part of its cause. So many states and cities—including deep red states such as Arkansas and anti-union states such as Florida—now have $15 an hour, or more, as a minimum wage, so that it now covers most people in the country.

But in all the drives to raise the wage, and thus raise the living standard for millions of low-wage workers, the “and a union” part of the cause was often omitted or forgotten. Now the campaigners have changed that—starting just before May Day by changing the name.

Of course, the catch is that the $15 minimum wage is now too low. In an attempt to partially make up the time lag, Senate Labor Committee Chair, Bernie Sanders, Ind-Vt., has introduced a bill for a $17 an hour minimum wage. The current federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour hasn’t risen in 15 years.

The campaign began its rebranding announcement with “From the beginning, we were speaking out, organizing, and striking for a union. As workers, we fight for a thriving wage, not just a living wage.”

“For more than a decade we’ve fought to raise wages and standards for low-wage workers across the country. We’ve won raises for millions of workers, and developed new ways for workers to represent and empower ourselves! We continue that fight today. We Fight for a Union!

“The fight for 15 and a union started 12 years ago with a simple demand: A $15 an hour livable wage for all workers. Since then we’ve made huge strides as workers, winning billions of dollars in raises. But in a country with the minimum wage still stuck at $7.25 an hour, the demand lives on.

“But there was always a second part of that demand, unions.

“As workers we were striking for a rising wage, not just a living wage. For equity, community, dignity, protections against AI and automation, dignified retirement, safety on the job and time with our families. Justice in all its forms. And so many other things that a union provides. The union is how we fight for the lives we want to live and the world we want to see.”

Fight for a Union is already involved in one key drive, campaigning for Massachusetts legislation that would preserve the right to unionize for Uber and Lyft drivers, as well as other “gig economy” workers. The two big ride-sharing firms are pumping millions of dollars into their own campaign for a referendum to ban unionization, just as they succeeded in doing in California through ads featuring dissident drivers, shills, or both. They spent more than $200 million there against a minimum wage.

“Gig workers such as rideshare drivers have seemingly become indispensable, but we’ve been degraded and exploited by corporations like Uber and Lyft. And just like many other workers in low-wage jobs, we have been left out of basic worker protections,” Nantucket rideshare driver Anthony Grant explained in a Fight For A Union posting on May Day.

“Over the last century many workers, including those in farm work, care work, and service work, have been written out of labor laws by the rich and powerful. These are the folks who are afraid of the power Black, brown, and immigrant workers have if we join together. We understand that the root of why we’ve been written out is racism and sexism. We’re fighting to rise above that history–above that status quo—and determined to win better.”

The Rideshare Driver Justice Bill which Fight for a Union and its allies are pushing “would prevent Uber and Lyft from paying us less than the state minimum wage and would grant us the freedom to form a union and collectively bargain over wages, benefits, and working conditions.”

“At the end of the day, no matter your job, race, or place, you have the right to demand respect, protections, and pay. You have earned a union of co-workers who will have your back through thick and thin. Rideshare drivers like me, we’re fighting for those things. We’re showing the wealthy & powerful and the mega-corporations we work for what worker power means.”

The new campaign and its new website is FightForAUnion.org.


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Press Associates Inc. (PAI), is a union news service in Washington D.C. Mark Gruenberg is the editor.