Post Election Political Bureau Statement / by the SACP

Image via SACP

Originally published: South African Communist Party (SACP)

Reposted from MR Online


The South African Communist Party (SACP) Political Bureau held a special meeting on Wednesday, 5 June 2024, in Johannesburg. This sitting was preceded by a meeting of the National Office Bearers with the Secretariat as the core on Monday, 3 June 2024, a day after the Independent Electoral Commission announced and declared the results of the May 2024 national and provincial government elections as free and fair. As part of the consultative process, the Political Bureau was extended to and attended by SACP provincial secretaries and chairpersons.

The SACP wishes to take this opportunity to thank all South Africans who exercised their democratic right to vote and to express the Party’s sincere gratitude to all the people, with the working class being the majority, who voted for our ally, the African National Congress. The SACP campaigned for the ANC across the length and breadth of our country within the framework of our ANC-led Alliance, its collective achievements, reconfiguration engagements and jointly consulted manifesto.

The votes received by the ANC maintain it as the largest party by electoral support in our country and reaffirm its outright majority in five provinces: Limpopo with 73.3 per cent, Eastern Cape with 62.16 per cent, North West with 57.73 per cent, Free State with 51.87 per cent and Mpumalanga 51.15 per cent. This is the will of the people. The SACP will defend it in advancing working-class interests across the board and considering the way forward nationally and in provinces where the ANC, although remaining the largest party by electoral support, did not secure the 50 per cent plus one required to form a majority government.

Matters of principle, guided by the interests of the working class, maintaining strategic consistency

We have campaigned against the anti-worker neo-liberal and corrupt state capture networks.

To maintain strategic consistency, the SACP is against seeking a coalition arrangement with the right-wing, DA-led anti-ANC neo-liberal forces. The core of the DA-led neo-liberal forces, highly supported by dominant sections of capital, mainly the white bourgeoisie whose roots can be traced to the era of colonial and apartheid oppression of the black majority, organised itself into the so-called multi-party charter. This grouping also received support from western foundations.

In the same vein, the SACP is against seeking a coalition arrangement with the MKP, whose origins can be traced back to factionalism, the corruption of state capture and resistance to accountability, as outlined in the report of the Commission of Inquiry into State Capture and related Constitutional Court judgments.

Neo-liberal economic restructuring, which includes retrenchments—those announced during the May 2024 election campaign period in the mining and other sectors included, opposition to the national minimum wage, attacks on our collective bargaining framework and resistance to National Health Insurance, among others, has severely impacted the workers and impoverished populations of our country. These forces remain arrogant and anti-working class as evidenced in the DA’s reckless utterances.

The industrial-scale looting under state capture crippled many of our state-owned enterprises, public entities and financial resources, negatively impacting the capacity of our state to serve the people. The factional conduct and ethnic nationalism of those driving the MKP have negatively impacted our own, ANC-led movement, and the ANC’s electoral performance.

The votes and number of seats from the May 2024 national and provincial government elections offer coalition permutations, with the features of a developmental and transformation purpose-driven ANC-led Government of National Unity, excluding both the DA and the MKP. The SACP will actively pursue this to become the outcome of the ANC-headed Alliance coalition engagement process—both within the Alliance and publicly through campaigning and mobilisation of the working class. This strategic task, outlined in our programme adopted during the July 2022 Fifteenth National Congress of our Party, is crucial in defending and advancing the interests of the working class against its strategic adversaries.

The strategic adversaries of the working class include the neo-liberal and “looting” class networks, as well as fugitives from justice who have profited from state capture and fled South Africa to evade accountability. Intensifying efforts to track down and hold accountable those who were involved in and benefitted from the proceeds of state capture corruption and fraud must be a central component of the programmatic basis of the coalition arrangements that our movement should pursue.

In pursuing the ideal scenario under the circumstances and in the interests of the working class, the SACP will prioritise governance stability over the instability often associated with local government coalitions.

The coalition associated instability in local government has hindered effective governance and delivery of public goods and services and must be avoided, through clear guarantees. We will also insist on accountability and the interests of the people, especially the majority—the working class.

The interests of the working class encompass priorities such as large-scale employment creation to resolve the unemployment crisis through industrialisation and structural economic transformation, poverty eradication, the implementation of a developmental and transformative macroeconomic policy to achieve these goals alongside other working-class interests.

A more caring social policy, including a decisive advance towards a universal basic income grant and the rollout of the National Health Insurance to ensure quality healthcare for all, form part of crucial working-class interests.

The protection of workers’ rights and other achievements, along with addressing challenges impacting the delivery of public goods and services, including infrastructure development and maintenance in municipalities, should be integral components of the programmatic basis of the coalition arrangements that our movement should seek.

Rolling back austerity measures and other neo-liberal policy prescriptions will be crucial for achieving an economic turnaround and ensuring the provision of essential social services, such as quality healthcare. This must be included in the programmatic basis of coalition arrangements.

Internationally, we remain firm in our unwavering support for the people of Palestine against the genocide on them and expropriation by the apartheid Israeli settler state.

Maintaining the entire progressive thrust of South Africa’s international relations and co-operation policy, including deepening alignment with the BRICS Plus community of states and solidarity support for Cuba against imperialist aggression, should be upheld as part of the programmatic basis of the coalition arrangements that our movement should advocate for.

The Independent Electoral Commission

The Political Bureau commended the IEC but expressed deep concern regarding the issues that affected the elections from the commission’s side.

The concerning issues include major technological breakdowns, which contributed to delays in the voting process and system downtime disruption of the counting process. An investigation into why these issues occurred is essential.

The investigation must include examining where the IEC sourced the technology it used. If it was sourced from another country, the investigation must assess that country’s attitude and its current relations with ours at present and the implications these may have had.

The investigation is crucial to prevent future disruptions and secure the credibility of our elections, safeguarding our democratic national sovereignty.

Detailed assessment

The Political Bureau meeting focused on the immediate question of coalition arrangements in view of the imperative for a new government to be established in line with the tight constitutional and electoral law timeframes.

The next step, going forward, will be an in-depth assessment of the May 2024 national and provincial government elections, considering all variables that played a part in the results. This will guide the enhancement of the programmatic basis of the coalition arrangements that we wish to see our movement pursuing.

The in-depth assessment will also inform the direction that the SACP will take at its Special National Congress later this year, as well as at the 16th National Congress of the Party in 2027, regarding future elections.


Issued by the South African Communist Party,
Founded in 1921 as the Communist Party of South Africa.


Biden Only Takes Risks When Furthering Right-Wing Policies / by Branko Marcetic

US president Joe Biden delivers remarks on an executive order limiting asylum in the East Room of the White House on June 4, 2024 in Washington, DC. (Kevin Dietsch / Getty Images)

The US is facing a wide range of crises that are hurting average Americans and that demand bold action from the executive branch. Yet Joe Biden is only willing to take such action when capitulating to the Right on issues like immigration

Reposted from Jacobin


With his reelection chances on an undeniable decline, Joe Biden has embarked on an audacious gambit. Looking at the sheer numbers of desperate people coming to the border and polling showing immigration is a leading issue on people’s minds, the president has taken a page out of Donald Trump’s book and made up for the failure of his far-right border bill to pass Congress earlier this year by sharply curtailing the right to asylum with the stroke of a pen.

Biden’s executive order will have a tough time in the courts, and he knows it. It relies on the same legal authority as both Trump’s Muslim ban and his attempt in 2018 to “close our southern border” in response to the migrant “caravan” being hyped by right-wing media at the time. Both were struck down.

In the second case, a federal judge explicitly said that Trump’s move to bar migrants at the southern border from even seeking asylum violated federal and international law, and “unlawfully conflict[ed] with the text and congressional purpose” of the law he was citing. Since then, courts have further narrowed the use of this legal authority that Biden is now using. Even Democratic Connecticut senator Chris Murphy, arguably the leading cheerleader of Biden and his party’s far rightward turn on immigration, has admitted he’s in “doubt that this is going to pass judicial muster.”

In short, the president has taken a performative measure that is probably legally doomed but is supposed to show the public that while Congress is blocking him, he’s doing whatever he can to try and fix the mess at the border — in this case, by doing what he once decried as “inhumane” and “cruelty” that “knows no bounds,” and promised to “eliminate” in order to “uphold our moral responsibility.”

There’s a lot you could say about this: that even cheerleaders like Murphy admit this won’t actually solve the problems at the border; that it legitimizes far-right talking points about immigration and sets debate on the terms Biden’s opponents prefer; that the generous framing and even praise of Biden’s Trump-like order from liberal groups and media outlets is an act of monumental hypocrisy; that we have copious data showing this kind of right-pivoting gambit rarely works for left-of-center parties. In fact, the most recent polling done after Biden signed the order doesn’t suggest it moved the needle at all in his favor, with voters evenly split between feeling positive and negative toward it.

But put that all aside for the moment and ponder this question: If the president is willing to take a legally dubious, controversial, and probably dead-on-arrival unilateral measure so he can perform vigorous presidential action for the public, why is he doing it just on immigration?

There is no shortage of problems that are bigger concerns for, and that more directly have an impact on, working Americans than immigration. You’ve probably heard the point that immigration has now become the US public’s biggest concern for three months running. That’s far from the case in every poll, but even in the Gallup poll that this statistic is based on, it’s only true because the economy and inflation (or cost of living) are treated as separate. When taken together, bread-and-butter economic concerns have consistently and by far been voters’ biggest concern. So why doesn’t the president do the same thing for those issues as he just did on immigration?

The United States is in an eviction crisis, with evictions in most cities higher than they were before the pandemic. This is partly driven by a wider housing unaffordability crisis, but it’s also thanks to the Supreme Court striking down the pandemic-era eviction moratorium three years ago.

Why doesn’t Biden simply issue another eviction ban, resorting to a similar kind of legal creativity that Trump’s team employed to lessen the number of people thrown out of their homes during the pandemic? The court will simply strike it down, goes the retort. Okay, but by setting up a very public battle over this, even if it’s a defeat, the entire country would watch Biden take decisive action to protect Americans in a time of economic struggle, only to be stymied by an increasingly unpopular Supreme Court.

Or why doesn’t he have legislation introduced for the kind of national cap on rent increases that Bernie Sanders ran on in 2020, or for price controls at a time when people struggle to afford groceries and Biden himself admits companies are ripping people off? He certainly believed in the second policy once upon a time, backing price controls when he was first elected to the Senate and fighting to keep them alive, and warning that losing them in a time of inflation would be devastating.

Yes, these polices are almost certain to go nowhere in Congress. But given the media coverage, political arguments, and national attention that trying this would be sure to inspire, there’s a real political benefit for Biden to the US public seeing him trying to do something, anything at all to fight for their economic security, even if it means trying and failing — especially since he’s asked voters in campaign speeches to give him a more cooperative Congress in November.

Again, we know Biden and his team understand this, since this is the exact gambit they tried back in February — but, once more, only on the issue of immigration, when Biden first tried to gut the right to asylum via legislation, daring Republicans to vote the bill down so he could frame them as the ones standing in the way of harsh solutions to the border problem.

These are just two examples, but you could do the same thing with any number of issues, whether expanding health care (say, by pushing for the public option Biden promised in his 2020 campaign) or agitating for a higher minimum wage (a popular measure that recently helped outgoing Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s party win a landslide election victory). The formula is simple: introduce a policy that benefits the majority of working Americans, relentlessly make the public case for it, even take unilateral action to make it reality, and if it fails, at least use it to point the finger at your opponents for killing the measure.

The president’s seeming crusade to kill asylum — his willingness to wage public, doomed political battles and even go beyond his legal authority to get this done — is proof positive the White House understands this. Biden and his team are very willing to use the power of the presidential bully pulpit, to make use of well-staged political theater, and to manufacture standoffs with their opposition to shore up his flagging reelection campaign — but only if it furthers far-right policy goals.


Branko Marcetic is a Jacobin staff writer and the author of Yesterday’s Man: The Case Against Joe Biden

If Trump Wins, the GOP Is Ready to Wage War on the Working Class / by Rebecca Gordon

Former President Donald Trump speaks at nonunion Drake Enterprises in Clinton Township, Michigan on September 27, 2023 | Photo: Nic Antaya for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Project 2025 offers a plan to thoroughly dismantle more than a century of workers’ achievements in the struggle for both dignity and simple on-the-job survival.

Reposted from Common Dreams


Recently, you may have noticed that the hot weather is getting ever hotter. Every year the United States swelters under warmer temperatures and longer periods of sustained heat. In fact, each of the last nine months—May 2023 through February 2024—set a world record for heat. As I’m writing this, March still has a couple of days to go, but likely as not, it, too, will set a record.

Such heat poses increasing health hazards for many groups: the old, the very young, those of us who don’t have access to air conditioning. One group, however, is at particular risk: people whose jobs require lengthy exposure to heat. Numbers from the Bureau of Labor Statistics show that about 40 workers died of heat exposure between 2011 and 2021, although, as CNNreports, that’s probably a significant undercount. In February 2024, responding to this growing threat, a coalition of 10 state attorneys general petitioned the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) to implement “a nationwide extreme heat emergency standard” to protect workers from the kinds of dangers that last year killed, among others, construction workers, farm workers, factory workers, and at least one employee who was laboring in an unairconditioned area of a warehouse in Memphis, Tennessee.

If you work for a living, or if you know and love people who do, there’s a lot on the line in this year’s election.

Facing the threat of overweening government interference from OSHA or state regulators, two brave Republican-run state governments have stepped in to protect employers from just such dangerous oversight. Florida and Texas have both passed laws prohibiting localities from mandating protections like rest breaks for, or even having to provide drinking water to, workers in extreme heat situations. Seriously, Florida and Texas have made it illegal for local cities to protect their workers from the direct effects of climate change. Apparently, being “woke” includes an absurd desire not to see workers die of heat exhaustion.

And those state laws are very much in keeping with the plans that the national right-wing has for workers, should the wholly-owned Trump subsidiary that is today’s Republican Party take control of the federal government this November.

We’ve Got a Plan for That!

It’s not exactly news that conservatives, who present themselves as the friends of working people, often support policies that threaten not only workers’ livelihoods, but their very lives. This fall, as we face the most consequential elections of my lifetime (all 71 years of it), rights that working people once upon a time fought and died for—the eight-hour day, a legal minimum wage, protections against child labor—are, in effect, back on the ballot. The people preparing for a second Trump presidency aren’t hiding their intentions either. Anyone can discover them, for instance, in the Heritage Foundation’s well-publicized Project 2025 Mandate for Leadership, a “presidential transition” plan that any future Trump administration is expected to put into operation.

As I’ve written beforeTheNew York Times’s Carlos Lozada did us a favor by working his way through all 887 pages of that tome of future planning. Lacking his stamina, I opted for a deep dive into a single chapter of it focused on the “Department of Labor and Related Agencies.” Its modest 35 pages offer a plan to thoroughly dismantle more than a century of workers’ achievements in the struggle for both dignity and simple on-the-job survival.

First Up: Stop Discriminating Against Discriminators

I’m sure you won’t be shocked to learn that the opening salvo of that chapter is an attack on federal measures to reduce employment discrimination based on race or sex. Its author, Jonathan Berry of the Federalist Society, served in Donald Trump’s Department of Labor (DOL). He begins his list of “needed reforms” with a call to “Reverse the DEI Revolution in Labor Policy.” “Under the Obama and Biden Administrations,” Berry explains, “labor policy was yet another target of the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) revolution” under which “every aspect of labor policy became a vehicle with which to advance race, sex, and other classifications and discriminate against conservative and religious viewpoints on these subjects and others, including pro-life views.”

You may wonder what it means to advance “classifications” or why that’s even a problem. Berry addresses this question in his second “necessary” reform, a call to “Eliminate Racial Classifications and Critical Race Theory Trainings.” Those two targets for elimination would seem to carry very different weight. After all, “Critical Race Theory,” or CRT, is right-wing code for the view that structural barriers exist preventing African Americans and other people of color from enjoying the full rights of citizens or residents. It’s unclear that such “trainings” even occur at the Labor Department, under CRT or any other label, so their “elimination” would, in fact, have little impact on workers.

On the other hand, the elimination of “racial classifications” would be consequential for many working people, as Berry makes clear. “The Biden Administration,” he complains, “has pushed ‘racial equity’ in every area of our national life, including in employment, and has condoned the use of racial classifications and racial preferences under the guise of DEI and critical race theory, which categorizes individuals as oppressors and victims based on race.” Pushing racial equity in employment? The horror!

By outlawing such data collection, a Republican administration guided by Project 2025 would make it almost impossible to demonstrate the existence of racial disparity in the hiring, retention, promotion, or termination of employees.

Berry’s characterization of CRT is, in fact, the opposite of what critical race theory seeks to achieve. This theoretical approach to the problem of racism does not categorize individuals at all, but instead describes structures—like corporate hiring practices based on friendship networks—that can disadvantage groups of people of a particular race. In fact, CRT describes self-sustaining systems that do not need individual oppressors to continue (mal)functioning.

The solution to the problem of discrimination in employment in Project 2025’s view is to deny the existence of race (or sex, or sexual orientation) as a factor in the lives of people in this country. It’s simple enough: If there’s no race, then there’s no racial discrimination. Problem solved.

And to ensure that it remains solved, Project 2025 would prohibit the Equal Economic Opportunity Commission, or EEOC, from collecting employment data based on race. The mere existence of such “data can then be used to support a charge of discrimination under a disparate impact theory. This could lead to racial quotas to remedy alleged race discrimination.” In other words, if you can’t demonstrate racial discrimination in employment (because you’re enjoined from collecting data on the subject), then there’s no racial discrimination to remedy. Case closed, right?

By outlawing such data collection, a Republican administration guided by Project 2025 would make it almost impossible to demonstrate the existence of racial disparity in the hiring, retention, promotion, or termination of employees.

Right-wingers in my state of California tried something similar in 2003 with Ballot Proposition 54, known as the Racial Privacy Initiative. In addition to employment data, Prop. 54 would have outlawed collecting racial data about public education and, no less crucially, about policing. As a result, Prop. 54 would have made it almost impossible for civil rights organizations to address the danger of “driving while Black”—the disproportionate likelihood that Black people will be the subject of traffic stops with the attendant risk of police violence or even death. Voters soundly defeated Prop. 54 by a vote of 64% to 36% and, yes, racial discrimination still exists in California, but at least we have access to the data to prove it.

There is, however, one group of people Project 2025 would emphatically protect from discrimination: employers who, because of their “conservative and religious viewpoints… including pro-life views,” want the right to discriminate against women and LGBTQ people. “The President,” writes Berry, “should make clear via executive order that religious employers are free to run their businesses according to their religious beliefs, general nondiscrimination laws notwithstanding.” Of course, Congress already made it clear that, under Title VII of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, “religious” employers are free to ignore anti-discrimination laws when it suits them.

But Wait, There’s More

Not content with gutting anti-discrimination protections, Project 2025 would also seek to rescind rights secured under the Fair Labor Standards Act, or FLSA, which workers have enjoyed for many decades. Originally passed in 1938, the FLSA “establishes minimum wage, overtime pay, recordkeeping, and child labor standards affecting full-time and part-time workers in the private sector and in Federal, State, and local governments,” according to the Department of Labor.

Perhaps because the federal minimum hourly wage has remained stuck at $7.25 for a decade and a half, Project 2025 doesn’t launch the typical conservative attack on the very concept of such a wage. It does, however, go after overtime pay (generally time-and-a-half for more than 40 hours of work a week), by proposing that employers be allowed to average time worked over a longer period. This would supposedly be a boon for workers, granting them the “flexibility” to labor fewer than 40 hours one week and more than 40 the next, without an employer having to pay overtime compensation for that second week. What such a change would actually do, of course, is give an employer the power to require overtime work during a crunch period while reducing hours at other times, thereby avoiding paying overtime often or at all.

Young people, too, would acquire more “independence” thanks to Project 2025—at least if what they want to do is work in more dangerous jobs where they are presently banned.

Another supposedly family-friendly proposal would allow workers to choose to take their overtime compensation as paid time off, rather than in dollars and cents. Certainly, any change that would reduce workloads sounds enticing. But as the Pew Research Center reports, more than 40% of workers can’t afford to, and don’t, take all their paid time off now, so this measure could function as yet one more way to reduce the overtime costs of employers.

In contrast to the Heritage Foundation’s scheme, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) has proposed a genuinely family-friendly workload reduction plan: a gradual diminution of the standard work week from 40 to 32 hours at the same pay. Such proposals have been around (and ridiculed) for decades, but this one is finally receiving serious consideration in places like The New York Times.

In deference to the supposedly fierce spirit of “worker independence,” Project 2025 would also like to see many more workers classified not as employees at all but as independent contractors. And what would such workers gain from that “independence”? Well, as a start, freedom from those pesky minimum wage and overtime compensation regulations, not to speak of the loss of protections like disability insurance. And they’d be “free” to pay the whole tab (15.3% of their income) for their Social Security and Medicare taxes, unlike genuine employees, whose employers pick up half the cost.

Young people, too, would acquire more “independence” thanks to Project 2025—at least if what they want to do is work in more dangerous jobs where they are presently banned. As Berry explains:

Some young adults show an interest in inherently dangerous jobs. Current rules forbid many young people, even if their family is running the business, from working in such jobs. This results in worker shortages in dangerous fields and often discourages otherwise interested young workers from trying the more dangerous job.

The operative word here is “adults.” In fact, no laws presently exclude adults from hazardous work based on age. What Berry is talking about is allowing adolescents to perform such labor. Duvan Tomás Pérez, for instance, was a 16-year-old who showed just such an “interest” in an inherently dangerous job: working at a poultry plant in Mississippi, where he died in an industrial accident. The middle schooler, a Guatemalan immigrant who had lived in the United States for six years, was employed illegally by the Mar-Jac Poultry company. If there are “worker shortages in dangerous fields,” it’s because adults don’t want to take the risks. The solution is to make the work less dangerous for everyone, not to hire children to do it.

We’re Gonna Roll the Union Over

Mind you, much to the displeasure of Project 2025 types, this country is experiencing a renaissance of union organizing. Companies that long thought they could avoid unionization, from Amazon to Starbucks, are now the subject of such drives. In my own world of higher education, new unions are popping up and established ones are demonstrating renewed vigor in both private and public universities. As the bumper sticker puts it, unions are “the folks who brought you the weekend.” They’re the reason we have laws on wages and hours, not to speak of on-the-job protections. So, it should be no surprise that Project 2025 wants to reduce the power of unions in a number of ways, including:

  • Amending the National Labor Relations Act to allow “Employee Involvement Organizations” to supplant unions. Such “worker-management councils” are presently forbidden for good reason. They replace real unions that have the power to bargain for wages and working conditions with toothless pseudo-unions.
  • Ending the use of “card-checks” and requiring elections to certify union representation. At the moment, the law still permits a union to present signed union-support cards from employees to the National Labor Relations Board and the employer. If both entities agree, the union wins legal recognition. The proposed change would make it significantly harder for unions to get certified, especially because cards can be collected without the employer’s knowledge, whereas a public election with a long lead time gives the employer ample scope for anti-union organizing activities, both legal and otherwise.
  • Allowing individual states to opt out of labor protections granted under the Fair Labor Standards Act and the National Labor Relations Act.

The measures covered here are, believe it or not, just the highlights of that labor chapter of Project 2025. If put into practice, they would be an historically unprecedented dream come true for employers, and a genuine nightmare for working people.

Meanwhile, at the Trumpified and right-wing-dominated Supreme Court, there are signs that some justices are interested in entertaining a case brought by Elon Musk’s SpaceX that could abolish the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), the federal entity that adjudicates most labor disputes involving federal law. Without the NLRB, legal protections for workers, especially organizing or organized workers, would lose most of their bite. Despite the court’s claim to pay no attention to public opinion, its justices would certainly take note of a resounding defeat of Donald Trump, the Republicans, and Project 2025 at the polls.

A New “Contract on America?”

The last time the right wing was this organized was probably back in 1994, when Newt Gingrich published his “Contract with America.” Some of us were so appalled by its contents that we referred to it as a plan for a gangster hit, a “Contract on America.”

This year, they’re back with a vengeance. All of which is to say that if you work for a living, or if you know and love people who do, there’s a lot on the line in this year’s election. We can’t sit this one out.


Rebecca Gordon is an Adjunct Professor at the University of San Francisco. Prior to teaching at USF, Rebecca spent many years as an activist in a variety of movements, including for women’s and LGBTQ+ liberation, the Central America and South Africa solidarity movements and for racial justice in the United States. She is the author of “American Nuremberg: The U.S. Officials Who Should Stand Trial for Post-9/11 War Crimes” (2016) and previously, “Mainstreaming Torture: Ethical Approaches in the Post-9/11 United States” (2014). She teaches in the philosophy department at the University of San Francisco. You can contact her through the Mainstreaming Torture website.

UAW Chief Says Billionaires—Not Migrants—Are Real Threat to Working Class / by Olivia Rosane

UAW president Shawn Fain speaks at the National Community Action Program Conference in Washington, D.C., on January 22, 2024  | Photo: UAW/YouTube/Screengrab

Reposted from Common Dreams


United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain argued that the current fear-mongering around the U.S. border with Mexico is an attempt by the wealthy and political elites to divide workers.

The remarks came in a wide-ranging speech at the UAW’s National Community Action Program Conference in Washington, D.C. on Monday, in which Fain repeated the union’s call for a cease-fire in Gaza, confirmed plans for a 2028 general strike, and laid out a vision for a wider U.S. political movement led by the working class.

“They try to divide us nationally by nationality,” Fain said. “Right now, we have millions of people being told that the biggest threat to their livelihood is migrants coming over the border. The threat we face at the border isn’t from the migrants. It’s from the billionaires and the politicians getting working people to point the finger at one another, when in reality, we’re all on the same side of the war against the working class.”

“We fight for a political program that serves humanity, not the inhumane interest of the wealthy and corporate greed.”

Fain added that the issue of immigration was personal to him because his grandparents had traveled between states to get jobs as autoworkers and become UAW members.

“They went somewhere else to find a better life. That’s all these people are trying to do,” Fain said.

The UAW has emerged as a major leader in a reinvigorated U.S. labor movement after its “stand up” strike won historic contracts against the Big Three automakers in 2023. As part of the final deal, the UAW negotiated a shared April 30, 2028 expiration date for all three contracts, opening up the possibility of a May Day strike. Fain has previously called on other unions to coordinate their contract expiration dates for the same date to allow the working class to “flex our collective muscles.”

Fain repeated and strengthened that call on Monday, endorsing a general strike.

The U.S. has not seen a mass, cross-union walkout in decades, according to The Guardian, and Fain argued that this was a mistake.

“We have to pay for our sins of the past. Back in 1980 when Reagan at the time fired PATCO [Port Authority Transit Corporation] workers, everybody in this country should have stood up and walked the hell out,” Fain said. “We missed the opportunity then, but we’re not going to miss it in 2028. That’s the plan. We want a general strike. We want everybody walking out just like they do in other countries.”

Fain said the union’s success in 2023 gave him hope.

“We shocked the billionaires,” he said, “and you know what that tells me? That if we can do things we’ve never tried before as a new UAW, we can win things we’ve never won before.”

He also pointed to the 75% support the strike had from the U.S. population.

“Our issues are the public’s issues,” he said.

Fain said that the union’s fight was larger than just its own contracts. For example, he noted that the union had failed to end the two-tiered system for retirement benefits. Those hired after 2007 receive a 401(k) with matching contributions instead of a pension and post-retirement healthcare, as The Detroit News pointed out. Fain argued that the UAW could resolve this in part by broadening the fight for retirement security to include the whole nation, though he said they would continue to push the Big Three as well.

“Either the Big Three guarantee retirement security for workers who give their lives to these companies or an even bigger player does: the federal government,” he said.

He added: “We can’t just fight for good contracts for our members alone. We fight for a society—from union contracts, to federal legislation, to our political system as a whole, that serves the working class and poor, that serves the people. We fight for a political program that serves humanity, not the inhumane interest of the wealthy and corporate greed.”

He also criticized the wealthy for using issues like gender identity, sexual orientation, race, and nationality to divide the working class, and it was in this context that he criticized the scapegoating of immigrants. He also emphasized the UAW’s history of backing civil rights and environmental justice.

“We have to, as a union, lead in the area of environmental safety,” Fain said. “It does no good to bargain for another dollar an hour or another week’s vacation, if on the vacation you take you can’t swim in the lake, because it’s dirty, and you can’t breathe clean air.”

Further, he emphasized the importance of international solidarity. The UAW was also the largest union at the time to officially demand a cease-fire in Israel’s war on Gaza, a demand he repeated Monday to chants of “cease-fire now!”

“We don’t stop our fight for justice at the workplace. We don’t stop our fight for justice because it’s not the right time. When and where there’s a war, whether it’s in Vietnam or Gaza, we call for peace,” Fain said.

The UAW has not yet endorsed a candidate for president in the 2024 election. Fain criticized former President Donald Trump on Monday, telling reporters he was “pretty much contrary to everything we stand for,” according to The Guardian. But he did not endorse his presumptive opponent President Joe Biden.

https://twitter.com/i/status/1749786586655469843“We have to take the issues that matter to the working class and poor, and we have to make our political leaders stand up with us,” Fain said. “Our message in doing this is simple: Support our cause, or you will not get our endorsement.”


Olivia Rosane is a staff writer for Common Dreams.

Voters Are Leaving Joe Biden in Droves Over His Support for Israel / by Branko Marcetic

Joe Biden in San Francisco, California, on November 17, 2023. (David Paul Morris / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Reposted from Jacobin


It’s easy to forget now, but only a month ago, Bidenworld thought the Israeli assault on Gaza might be the president’s saving grace. After more than a year of dismal polling, Politico reported on October 20, Joe Biden’s advisors couldn’t believe their luck at “the opportunity presented by an unexpected crisis to feature Biden’s strengths.” It would show the US electorate a man “who is presidential, solid, and trusted around the world,” wrenching focus away from his age and ultimately proving an “inflection point” that would upend the political status quo.

That rosy prediction couldn’t have been more wrong. Over the weekend, a new NBC poll showed that far from improving his 2024 chances, Biden’s steadfast backing for Israel’s brutal, increasingly unpopular war has sent his approval rating tumbling to 40 percent.

The role of Biden’s disastrous Israel policy in cratering his poll numbers is especially urgent, with news of an Israeli-Hamas truce dominating headlines. Though Arab governments are urging that the four-day pause be extended into a proper cease-fire and serious talks for a two-state solution, Israeli officials are making clear they intend to quickly restart the war. Whether they do so will likely depend in large part on how Biden acts. And what he does should be informed, if not by basic human decency, then at least self-preservation.

Plummeting Polls

All signs indicate that Biden’s decision to back the Israeli military campaign to the hilt is hurting his reelection chances.

According to the weekend’s NBC poll, the chief reasons for Biden’s new approval rating low are his drop in popularity among typically loyal Democratic voters, a hair over half of whom back his handling of the war — the only positive verdict among all groups of registered voters — and among the key demographic of voters aged eighteen to thirty-four, 70 percent of whom give Biden poor marks on the issue. Biden has a 31 percent approval rating among this group of young voters, whose high turnout in 2020 was essential for putting him in the White House.

That same NBC poll also happened to be the first one that showed Donald Trump leading the president.

And it’s not just one poll — the warning signs have been blaring for weeks. A University of Maryland survey conducted jointly with Ipsos between November 3 and 5 found that Biden’s posture on the war has brought him no upsides with the voting public, especially that same key demographic of voters under thirty-five.

Asked if Biden’s stance “on the Israeli-Palestinian issue” made them more or less likely to pull the lever for him, 31 percent answered less likely — roughly the same proportion that had said the same in late October — while only 10 percent said more. That latter figure had dropped four points since last month and had seen its biggest erosion among Democratic voters.

Among voters under thirty-five, the proportion answering “less likely” had shot up ten points, including nearly nine points among independents and a whopping twelve points among Democrats. In fact, young Democrats effectively flipped their position over the past month, ending up with nearly 21 percent less likely to back Biden because of his handling of the war, and only 10 percent more likely, with these figures largely reversed just weeks earlier.

Another survey, this one conducted between October 24 and 30, put Biden underwater in solidly blue California for the first time in his presidency. The Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll found the president with a 44 percent approval rating, compared to the 52 percent of Californians who disapproved of his job performance. Fully 55 percent of those asked disapproved of Biden’s handling of Israel’s war on Gaza. (That poll began only four days after Politico announced Bidenworld’s confidence that the war was about to turn things around for the president.)

What’s notable about these surveys is not just the clear signs that Biden’s stance has been dragging his popularity down with key voting blocs even as his administration worries that Republicans will paint him as insufficiently pro-Israel. It’s that Biden’s stance is also giving him absolutely no purchase with the GOP voters.

Despite an unconditional embrace of the Israeli military effort that has surprised even some former Barack Obama officials, the same NBC poll finds 69 percent of Republicans disapproving of Biden’s handling of the war, and only 22 percent approving. In the University of Maryland survey, Republicans effectively didn’t budge, with most of them — roughly 58 percent — stating they were less likely to vote for him after seeing how he’d approached the war.

The numbers are worse among young Republicans; from late October to early November, the proportion who said they were more likely to support him because of how he dealt with the issue fell from 3.6 percent to zero.

The administration should’ve already learned this lesson. Early this year, Biden initiated a conservative pivot under then-new chief of staff Jeff Zients, carrying out a series of policy moves presumably meant to shore up his right flank amid chronically poor approval ratings. Republican voters rewarded him with even more dire approval ratings than before.

LBJ Redux?

Meanwhile, there are copious reports that Muslim and Arab Americans — an especially important constituency in key states like Michigan — may sit out or opt for another candidate in 2024 due to disgust with Biden. A survey released last month found that Biden’s support among Arab Americans had collapsed by forty-two points to just 17 percent, among a voter group Biden had carried by nearly thirty points nationwide in 2020.

At the same time, protests against the war — whose mostly young participants have taken to calling the president “Genocide Joe” and even reusing a Vietnam-era chant accusing the president of killing kids — are intensifying around the country. Last week, a demonstration at the Democratic National Committee headquarters produced ugly scenes of police violently trying to remove pro-cease-fire protesters blocking the entrance to the building as lawmakers sat inside; protests at the California Democratic Party’s convention last weekend also captured headlines.

There is already speculation that Biden could be risking a repeat of the Democratic Party’s infamous 1968 split over the war in Vietnam, which climaxed in a chaotic party convention in Chicago where police attacked young antiwar protesters and ended with election defeat for the party. Chicago — where pro-Palestinian protesters this past Saturday broke through police barricades to shut down Lake Shore Drive, one of the city’s major arterial roads — will again be the convention’s location in 2024.

Awful presidential decisions can usually be explained by cold-blooded political logic or a ruthless pursuit of what people in power construe as US interests. But Biden’s support for Israel’s horrendous campaign of military retribution has been neither good for the United States’ standing in the world nor for Biden or his party. As a chance to end the senseless bloodshed finally emerges, those with the president’s ear will have to realize it’s not continuing the war that will save Biden’s reelection chances, but the opposite.


Branko Marcetic is a Jacobin staff writer and the author of Yesterday’s Man: The Case Against Joe Biden. He lives in Chicago, Illinois.