Gaza resistance sources say fear is rising U.S. pier will be used for forced displacement of Palestinians / by Ahmed Omar

A SHIP TRANSPORTING INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN AID IS MOORED AT THE US-BUILT TRIDENT PIER NEAR NUSEIRAT IN THE CENTRAL GAZA STRIP ON MAY 21, 2024. (PHOTO: STRINGER/APA IMAGES)

Critics warn the U.S.-constructed pier off Gaza’s coast is being used for military purposes. Now a source in the Gaza resistance says there are indications it will be used to facilitate the forced displacement of Palestinians

Reposted from Mondoweiss


In March 2024, U.S. President Joe Biden announced in his State of the Union address that the U.S. would be building a temporary “floating pier” on the Gaza shoreline to deliver humanitarian aid to the starving population in Gaza. “No U.S. boots will be on the ground,” he promised.

Since then, however, critics have raised concerns that the pier is not only being used for “humanitarian” purposes but is being employed for military activities that aid in the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza.

An intelligence source from within the resistance in Gaza, who spoke to Mondoweiss under conditions of anonymity, says there are mounting signs the U.S. pier could also be used to forcibly displace Palestinians. This would provide an alternative to the original Israeli plan of forcing Palestinians into the Sinai, which was rejected by Egypt early on in the war.

“The floating pier project is an American solution to the displacement dilemma in Gaza,” the source said. “It goes beyond both the Israeli solution of displacing Gazans into Sinai…and the Egyptian suggestion of displacing [Gazans] into the Naqab [desert].”

Instead, the source said, the U.S. pier would be used to facilitate the displacement of Gazans to Cyprus, and then eventually to Lebanon or Europe.

These concerns have been brought into sharp relief after the Israeli army committed a massacre in Nuseirat refugee camp last weekend, killing at least 274 Palestinians in order to retrieve four Israeli captives. 

The U.S. pier was at the center of coverage of the massacre, as multiple news sources, videos, and eyewitness accounts from Gaza indicated that U.S. forces may have been involved in the operation and that humanitarian trucks entering Nuseirat were hiding the Israeli soldiers that carried out the massacre. Live Aljazeera footage depicted what appeared to be a humanitarian truck driving through the camp accompanied by two armored military vehicles, while other videos circulated showing Israeli soldiers using a helicopter allegedly in the area of the U.S. floating pier as an evacuation point, taking advantage of U.S. air defenses. 

The claim was quickly dismissed by U.S. Central Command, but Palestinian factions such as the Popular Resistance Committees said it would be treating the pier as a military target moving forward. Following the accusations and the threats, the UN’s World Food Programme has suspended aid deliveries through the pier, citing concerns over the security of the WFP team. 

‘Humanitarianism’ covering up ethnic cleansing?

The anonymous resistance source told Mondoweiss that “according to our intelligence, the pier will be used to displace Palestinians to Cyprus through evacuation ships and then to Lebanon after undergoing a screening process.” 

The source asserted that this plan has already been discussed with Lebanese authorities, and that “it was agreed with Najib Mikati, the Lebanese Prime Minister,  to receive $1 billion in aid to Lebanon to be paid through the European Union, with an additional $250 million to be paid to his own companies.”

In exchange, Lebanon would receive “between 100,000 and 200,000 Gaza residents through the floating pier via Cyprus, which is expected to take place during the fall this year,” the source said. 

According to the source, the background to this alleged arrangement is part of a broader “pressure cooker” strategy being enacted on the people of Gaza, “starting with the halting of money transfers as of last Ramadan and continuing with the current Israeli control over and closure of the Rafah crossing until such a time that an American company can take over, as well as the demoralization of the resistance through continuous operations, which is to be followed by allowing an acceptable number of people into Egypt through the Rafah crossing via the Hala Consulting and Tourism company, in order to be naturalized in accordance with the new Egyptian citizenship law.”

The next step in this process would then supposedly follow, in which a few hundred thousand Gazans would be transferred from Gaza to Cyprus. Notably, the U.S. is already using Cyprus to load humanitarian aid into cargo ships and transport it to the pier.

“They are expected to leave for Cyprus in waves and to mix with other illegal immigrants from Syria, after which they will either be assisted in making the journey of illegal migration to Europe — which is opposed by the European Union — or they will be sent to Tripoli and replace the Syrian refugees there, in accordance with the wishes of the Lebanese government,” the source continued. “They would then be resettled in northern Lebanon or Lebanon’s Sunni areas, far away from areas of Hezbollah influence and control.”

The source emphasized that such a scenario is not without precedent, as previous waves of Palestinian immigrants tied to Fatah strongman Muhammad Dahlan, a rival of PA president Mahmoud Abbas, have been settled in Lebanon in the past. 

“Previously, there has been animosity between newer waves [of immigrants] and previous Palestinian groups loyal to the resistance,” the source explained. “This has led to conflict in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon in the past.”

Finally, the source also stated that alleviating the Syrian crisis and striking a deal with Bashar al-Asad to ease punitive measures for potential Syrian returnees who may have been part of the opposition would help make the prospect of an influx of Gaza refugees more palatable for the Lebanese government, especially if it is tied to an influx of monetary assistance to Lebanon’s faltering economy. Notably, several reports have already emerged that many Syrian refugees are at imminent risk of forcible deportation, and hundreds have already returned amid anti-refugee sentiment in Lebanon.

Mondoweiss has been unable to verify the claims relayed by the anonymous source regarding the potential plan.

Notably, however, Lebanon has been used in the past on a smaller scale for receiving political exiles from Palestine, as in the case of the deportation of 415 Palestinian men affiliated with political factions such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad in 1992, when they were exiled to a no-man’s-land in between northern Palestine and southern Lebanon called Marj al-Zuhur.

Mounting widespread concern

Regardless of whether such a plan comes to pass, different political factions in Gaza have expressed concern regarding the intentions behind the pier, while others have cautiously welcomed it despite reservations.

Hamas welcomed the U.S. project and the efforts to aid Palestinians, but it also emphasized that the pier would not be a reliable alternative to aid through land-based crossings, which is more efficient. Many international organizations have also echoed these concerns, confirming that aid through land crossings remains the most reliable and efficient option. Hamas has also rejected the presence of any foreign military force as part of the pier’s operations. 

Other Palestinian political parties such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) have come out more strongly against the pier, raising alarms about its potential misuse for the forced displacement of Palestinians or protecting Israeli forces occupying Gaza. The PFLP warned Arabs, internationals, and Palestinians from working on the pier and asserted any troops deployed with the pier would be dealt with as an occupying force. 

Likely due to these fears, the pier has already been subject to mortar shell attacks. This is likely a message sent by Palestinian resistance factions that they are ready to deal with the pier militarily if it is used for military purposes rather than for delivering aid.

Since its introduction, the pier has experienced a series of challenges and setbacks. Part of it came loose due to sea conditions, and some of its staff were injured while operating it in unclear circumstances. The pier had to be taken for maintenance just weeks after it was deployed and was relocated back off Gaza a few days ago. 

Once fully operational and at full capacity, the pier is expected to deliver 150 trucks into Gaza daily. However, as of this writing, the World Food Programme has continued suspending aid delivery due to the aforementioned safety concerns for WFP teams. 

While the U.S. has continuously reasserted its purely “humanitarian” aims, the circumstances surrounding the pier’s creation, including the exclusion of Palestinians from its management, the involvement of Israel in its security, and now the recent suspected U.S. role in the Nuseirat massacre, has all reinforced suspicions among Palestinians concerning the true intentions behind the pier.


Ahmed Omar is a political economy expert focused on the MENA region

US doctors back from ‘catastrophic’ Gaza urge Biden to halt Israel war / by Anadolu Agency

Palestinians including children, injured in Israeli attacks at Nuseirat Refugee Camp, are brought to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, Gaza on May 25, 2024. [Ashraf Amra – Anadolu Agency]

Reposted from the Middle East Monitor


Doctors who have recently returned from humanitarian missions in the Gaza Strip have reiterated their call for the Biden administration to put an end to Israel’s deadly war on the besieged Palestinian enclave.

“The situation in Gaza, when I was there in March, was already catastrophic and I think we’re starting to see evidence that it’s getting a lot worse,” Dr. Tammy Abughnaim told Anadolu in Washington.

Abughnaim, a board-certified emergency physician from Illinois, said conditions in Gaza are getting “much, much worse” as Israel intensifies its attacks on the southern city of Rafah.

“I did not think it was possible … but right now I think we’re seeing (increasing) levels of (a) catastrophic, disastrous situation for the Palestinians that are there, all imposed by Israeli actions,” she added.

Speaking about the challenges as a doctor in Gaza, Abughnaim said they were not able to “effectively” deliver care because Israel blocked the flow of aid.

“It was very hard for me to be able to see people and not be able to help them in the way that I wanted, because Israel is not allowing them,” she said.

She said healthcare workers coming back from Gaza have a lot of stories, particularly those of suffering inflicted on innocent children.

“There was one night in Gaza where we had Israeli bombardments non-stop in the neighbourhood of the hospital that I was at, and maybe 80 per cent of the casualties were children,” she said.

“We got a flood of about 10 or 15 children coming into the hospital, and two of them were very small babies, three months and six months old, and both of them needed a ventilator, and we only had one ventilator.”

After intense efforts to resuscitate the babies, the team “realised that one of them was not going to survive,” she said.

“We made the decision to take him off of the ventilator. “We discovered that his mother had been killed, his entire family had been killed and he was the last member of his family,” said Abughnaim.

The hardest part about that situation was not only that we had to take away the breathing tube that was keeping this baby alive, but also that we were the only people in the world that knew what happened to that baby, and that nobody in Israel would ever be held accountable

Abughnaim called on the Biden administration to leverage its power over Israel to stop its war on Gaza.

“If you say there is a red line, hold Israel to that red line. Stop supplying them with the weapons that continue to perpetuate these crimes on the Palestinian people,” she said.

‘It’s a catastrophe I cannot describe in words’

Dr. Zaher Sahloul, who has worked in Ukraine, Syria, Yemen and other war zones around the world, said Gaza “is the worst” he has ever seen.

“This is different … It’s a nightmare. When we were in Rafah, you see the war in front of your eyes,” Sahloul, the President of MedGlobal and a Pulmonary and Critical Care associate professor at the University of Illinois Chicago, told Anadolu.

Many of the victims are women and children, he said, as he recalled the story of Mohamad Khalil, a 12-year-old boy who “had shrapnel in his head and belly” after an Israeli attack.

“We resuscitated him on the floor of the emergency room because there was not enough space … He had abdominal surgery. He never woke up. We pronounced him dead next day. We could not communicate with his family because there were no communications,” he said.

He said people in Gaza “are dying not only from the impact of the bombs and the missiles, but also from the impact of war on healthcare system that has been collapsing.”

“It’s a catastrophe that I cannot describe in words,” he added.

Lamenting that there is still no end in sight to Israel’s assault, Sahloul stressed that US President, Joe Biden, has “the power to stop the war.”

“He has the power, like other American presidents who stopped previous wars,” he said.

The doctor said Biden told him and others at a White House meeting that “he cares about civilians in Gaza … (and) that he’s working to change the behaviour of the Israeli government.”

“He said that Rafah is a red line. Apparently, it’s not a red line,” Sahloul stressed, referring to the recent Israeli strike on a tent camp housing displaced Palestinians in Rafah which killed at least 45 civilians, mostly women and children, and injured some 300 others.

‘I can only remember faces of children who have been bombed’

Dr. Thaer Ahmad, Global Health Director of the emergency department at Advocate Christ Medical Centre in Chicago, worked at the Nasser Medical Complex in the southern Gaza city of Khan Yunis.

“To me, as somebody who’s been on the ground, I can only remember the faces of the children who have been bombed.  I only think about everything that has happened to them,” he said.

Ahmad, who is Palestinian-American, said he had witnessed horrors in Gaza that he would not forget for the rest of his life.

There was a case when 20 people from the same family came in. I remember three of young girls between the ages of 10 to 15 were what we say dead on arrival … I remember that I was checking each one. I saw that each one had been killed. And I remember the man who I thought was their father come up to me and said: ‘It’s only been five minutes, please, can you do something, can you help?’ And I knew that there was nothing that I could do

said Ahmad.

“When I told him that they had been killed, he said about one of them that she followed in her father’s footsteps, who had been killed the previous week. I just remember thinking they don’t get any breaks. There is no time of peace for the people in Gaza, for their families. A father dies, the daughter dies next week.”

Ahmad said the very dignity of people in Gaza is under attack.

“A family can’t mourn together. That’s very important for Palestinian culture … When somebody passes away tragically, you are surrounded by your family and you get a chance to grieve and to mourn. Even that has been deprived for the people of Gaza, for the Palestinians in Gaza,” he added.

Asked about his message to the Biden administration, the doctor said: “My message is two words: do something, do something … We’re going on eighteen months of this worst humanitarian crisis. This is our responsibility to put a stop to this right now, and they can do this.”

On US officials’ statements on the recent Israeli attack on Rafah, Ahmad said: “They need to change their thinking. They need to start seeing Palestinians as human beings. They breathe just like you breathe. They cry just like you cry. So start looking at them that way. And you will understand just how terrible the situation is.”


Anadolu Agency is a state-run news agency headquartered in Ankara, Turkey.

Who By Fire? The Burning of Rafah’s Tent People / by Jeffrey St. Clair

Still from a video shot by Kharmes al-Refi of the Israeli airstrike on the tent camp in the designated safe zone of Tel-al Sultan, western Rafah.

Reposted from Counterpunch


“Oh hell, what do mine eyes
with grief behold?”
~ John Milton, Paradise Lost

People were saying their evening prayers when the IDF attacked the refuge camp at Tel al-Sultan in southern Gaza, where thousands had fled from the Israeli invasion of Rafah. They were told by the Israelis this was a safe zone, a secure place to shelter their children and grandparents. 

“For your safety, the Israeli Defense Force is asking you to leave these areas immediately and to go to known shelters in Deir el Balah or the humanitarian area in Tel al-Sultan through Beach Road,” read one of the leaflets dropped in Rafah a few days before. “Don’t blame us after we warned you.”

The safe zone was a tent city amid the dunes–one of dozens scattered along more than 16 kilometers up the Gaza coast. The tents were made of plastic, which whipped and frayed in the coastal winds–a thin layer of protection against the sun and sand that soon turned into a death trap. 

The lure of safety was the only thing Tel al-Sultan had going for it. The conditions in the camp were wretched. Thousands of starving people crammed together with little fresh water, meager rations, few toilets and nothing much to do except scavenge the beach for scraps of food, dig pit toilets in the sand and pray that someone will intervene to put an end to the war.

When the Israeli bombs strafed the safe zone, the plastic tents caught fire, sending flames leaping two meters high, before the melting, blazing structures collapsed on the people inside, many of them children who’d just been tucked in for the evening. 

There was no water to put the flames out. No firetrucks to stop the inferno. No ambulances to rush the wounded to the hospital. No functioning hospital to treat the burned and the maimed.

At least 45 people, most of them women and children, were killed and nearly 300 injured with shrapnel wounds, burns, fractures and traumatic brain injuries.

“No single health facility in Gaza can handle a mass casualty event such as this one,” said Samuel Johann of Médecins Sans Frontières. “The health system has been decimated and cannot cope any longer.”

The attack came two days after the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to halt its military operations in Gaza, open the border crossings so food, water and medicine could reach the starving Palestinians and allow human rights investigators into the Strip. This malicious act of defiance against the edicts of international law occurred on the same day Israeli tanks entered the central region of Rafah in what the Israelis had basely billed as a “limited military operation.” In the first 48 hours after the ICJ ruling, Israel bombed Rafah at least 60 times.

Tel al-Sultan in western Rafah is an official displacement camp, so designated by the Israelis. The Israelis called it: “Block 2371.” It is located next to UN aid warehouses. Desperate Palestinian families were told they would be safe here. Then the Israelis set it on fire, claiming they were targeting two Hamas operatives. The IDF said it didn’t think civilians would be harmed when it bombed the refuge camp it had told civilians to flee to. 

Disingenuousness is the IDF’s calling card these days. Yet after one massacre after another, perhaps only the Biden administration believes it. Most Israelis don’t. Some prominent Israelis cheered the burning of civilians. The Israeli TV journalist and newspaper columnist Yinon Magal posted a video of the burning refugee camp with the caption: “The central bonfire this year in Rafah”–a reference to the traditional bonfires for the Jewish holiday of Lag Ba’Ome.

“I lost five family members,” said Majed al-Attar of the “bonfire.” “We were sitting in tents when suddenly the camp was bombed. I lost five family members, all burned completely.  Among the victims were pregnant women. They kept telling us this area was safe until we were bombed.”

Israel said its targets were two Hamas operatives: Khaled al-Najjar and  Yassin Abu Rabia. Al-Najjar was said to be a “senior staff officer.” Abu Rabia, the Israelis claimed, was Hamas’ West Bank staff commander. Were they really part of Hamas’ leadership? Who’s to say? It is known that both men had been released from Israeli prisoners in 2011 by Netanyahu in the prisoner swap that freed captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Both men were also originally from the West Bank and had been expelled by the Israelis to Gaza. Had long had Abu Rabia and al-Najjar been on the IDF’s so-called “target bank,” a hit list of Palestinians the Israeli army and intelligence can kill at will for acts committed years in the past.

“Bombing a tent camp full of displaced people is a clear-cut, full-on war crime,” said Jeremy Konyndyk, former head of disaster relief for US AID. “Even if Hamas troops were present, that does not absolve the IDF of the obligation to protect civilians. It does not turn a tent camp into a free fire zone.”

Who picked the targets? Who tracked them to the tent camp? Who okayed the airstrike? Was it the Israelis  Lavender AI software program, which permits 20 “uninvolved civilians” to be killed for each targeted junior member of Hamas and 100 civilians to be killed “in exchange” for a senior member? 

“We were sitting safely and suddenly we find bodies thrown on the ground, blood splattered on the ground — heads cut off, hands cut off,” said Malak Filfel. “This is not a life. There is no safety. We’re not getting out. No matter where we go, we will die here.”

Video of the attack showed babies thrashing in pain, women with their skin blackened to a crisp, men with their faces melted to the skull, a decapitated child, parents clutching the bodies of their burned children in their arms, a boy screaming in anguish as he watches his father being burned alive inside a flaming tent.  “We pulled out children who were in pieces,” Mohammed Abuassa told the Associated Press. “We pulled out young and elderly people. The fire in the camp was unreal.”

Israel defended itself by saying the murderous attack stayed within the boundaries Biden and Blinken had outlined for such massacres. They used small bombs (smaller at 250 pounds than the 2000-pound blockbusters Biden briefly decried to CNN, anyway) that were precision-guided to their target (a refugee camp in the humanitarian zone they had designated). 

And so they did. The GBU-39 bombs that burned the Rafah tent camp were made in the US by Boeing (a company the Portland State students targeted in their occupation of the campus). Biden has sold Israel more than 1,000 of these incendiary weapons since October. “They send us chickpeas,” one Palestinian said. “And to the Israelis they send weapons.”

Still, days after CNN and the New York Times confirmed that Israel bombed the tent camp with US-made weapons, the Biden administration refused to cop to it, claiming ignorance. The State Department’s hapless PR flack Vedant Patel was sent out to try, ineptly, to deflect attention from Israel’s use of a bomb made and designed in the US which the Biden administration has repeatedly urged the Israelis to use more frequently in its war on Gaza–a bomb designed to spray shrapnel fragments as far as 2,000 feet.

Reporter: Do you have any comment on CNN and NYT’s reports that the Israelis used US weapons in the Rafah attack?

Patel: I’m gonna let the IDF speak to their investigation…

Reporter: I’m asking you, was this a US weapon?

Patel: It’s not for us to speak to. We can’t speak to individual weapons load-outs to individual Israeli aircraft. So I will let the IDF speak to their investigation’s findings and indicate anything they have to share about what weapons were used.

Remains of the Tail Actuation System of the GBU-39 guided missile at the Tel-Sultan tent camp. A weapon made and designed by Boeing.

Remains of the Tail Actuation System of the GBU-39 guided missile at the Tel-Sultan tent camp. A weapon made and designed by Boeing.

The US largely stands mute as Israel turns evacuation zones into zones of extermination. Instead, Biden continues to repeat discredited stories of Israeli children burned in ovens or decapitated by Hamas, while saying nothing about actual Palestinian children decapitated and burned alive by US-made weapons.

After the images of burning tents and charred bodies spread across the world igniting a new round of global indignation and disgust, Netanyahu made a rare, if half-hearted, attempt at damage control, calling the bombing a “tragic mistake.” Once is a mistake, twice a “tragic mistake.” 15,000 times is a genocide.

In eight months of war, Israel has killed thirty times more children in Gaza than Russia has killed Ukrainian children in two years and years months of war. Gaza’s population is just 1/18th the size of Ukraine’s. But instead of sanctioning Israel, Biden and Blinken have threatened to sanction the one agency that’s tried to hold it accountable: the ICJ. Every atrocity Israel gets away with encourages it to do something even more grotesque.

Two days after the firebombing of Tel al-Sultan, Israel attacked another tent encampment for displaced Palestinians, this time in Al-Mawasi, a Bedouin village in a coastal area on the outskirts of Rafah. Like Tel al-Sultan, Al-Mawasi was a designated humanitarian zone, packed with families, when it was struck by at least four Israeli tank shells, probably the highly destructive 120 mm shells supplied by the Biden administration. At least 21 Palestinians were killed in the shelling inside what Israel has designated a civilian evacuation zone and another 65 were injured, 10 of them critically. Twelve of the dead were women.

Biden’s National Security Advisor John Kirby said there was nothing in the massacres on Sunday or Tuesday that would prompt the United States to rethink its military aid to Israel.

Reporter: How does this not violate the red line the President laid out?

John Kirby: We don’t want to see a major ground operation in Rafah and we haven’t seen one.

Reporter: How many more charred corpses does he have to see before the President considers a change in policy?

John Kirby: I take offense at the question…

Typically, Kirby took offense at the question, but not the children carbonized by US-made bombs.

Biden has voluntarily tied himself to a regime that burns children to death as they sleep in tents they were forced to move into by the people who incinerated them. His red lines are drawn in the blood of Palestinian babies.


Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His most recent book is An Orgy of Thieves: Neoliberalism and Its Discontents (with Alexander Cockburn). He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net or on Twitter @JeffreyStClair3

Israel Is Starving Gazan Children to Death / by Seraj Assi

Seven-month-old Palestinian baby Fayez Abu Ataya, who died due to malnutrition, being carried by his father in Deir al-Balah, Gaza, on May 30, 2024. (Ashraf Amra / Anadolu via Getty Images)

A seven-month-old child, Fayez Abu Ataya, starved to death yesterday in central Gaza. He lived his entire brief life under Israeli siege. How many more Palestinian children must die?

Reposted from Jacobin


Fayez Abu Ataya, a newborn from Gaza, had been wasting away for days from lack of milk and medicine as a result of Israel’s crippling blockade and deliberate starvation of Gaza. A bone-chilling video showed the child dying in real time.

Yesterday morning, Abu Ataya succumbed to starvation, dying in his father’s arms at Al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza. Held by his weeping father, he resembled a bare skeleton. Aged seven months at the time of his death, he was born and died in genocide.

In a heartbreaking interview with Al Jazeera, the grieving father said:

Thank God, he was born in the war, at the school (shelter), and he was martyred here at the hospital. We found him this morning in this condition, like a flower. We had asked to move him out but were denied travel as the crossings were all closed. A medical delegation had operated on him. All he wanted was milk, food, necessary nourishments, and clean air. He became a skeleton because of the siege.

“The infant Fayez Abu Ataya has died as a result to malnutrition and lack of medical treatment in Deir al-Balah,” a medical source told reporters. He added that “Fayez was born during Israel’s war on Gaza and suffered from lack of treatment due to Israel’s closure of all the crossings to Gaza.” He further lamented that “Baby Fayez needed special milk and medication, which both are no longer available in Gaza.”

The Al-Aqsa Hospital itself is on the brink of collapse as Israel continues to deprive hospitals in Gaza of the fuel necessary to operate the generators.

Following Abu Ataya’s death, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), America’s largest Muslim civil rights organization, posted: “We apologize for sharing such a graphic image, but this is the daily reality of the genocide that President Biden is enabling in violation of US law, which forbids arming foreign governments that block US humanitarian aid.”

Abu Ataya was not the first child to die of starvation in Gaza. In March, Yazan al-Kafarneh, a ten-year-old Palestinian boy, died in his mother’s arms at a local hospital in Rafah, after lying in bed for weeks with a skeletal body, sunken cheeks, bare bones, and hollowed eyes. He weighed eleven pounds when he died. A month before, Mahmoud Fattouh, a two-month-old Palestinian boy, died from starvation in northern Gaza, having gone days without milk.

So far, over thirty Palestinian children and newborns have perished due to starvation because of Israel’s inhumane blockade of Gaza — and more such deaths are imminent due to Israel’s cruel denial of milk and medicine to starving Palestinian children in the besieged strip. Aid groups warn that humanitarian aid in Gaza has plunged since Israel invaded and occupied the Rafah crossing, Gaza’s last link to the outside world. The World Food Programme (WFP) reports that humanitarian operations in Gaza are nearing total collapse, warning that “if food and humanitarian supplies do not begin to enter Gaza in massive quantities, desperation and hunger will spread.”

This is a war against humanity. Israel’s deliberate starvation of Palestinians like Fayez Abu Ataya makes a brutal mockery of international appeals to allow aid into the besieged enclave.

Last month, Israeli human rights group B’Tselem issued a damning report warning that Israel was manufacturing famine in Gaza, and thus committing the crime of starvation. “The severe hunger that has developed over recent months in the Gaza Strip is not a result of fate, but the product of a deliberate and conscious Israeli policy. It has been openly declared by decision makers, including a member of the Israeli war cabinet, from the very beginning of the war.”

Abu Ataya’s death comes amid reports that the United Nations may finally put Israel on its “list of shame” of child-killing states, which is unlikely to stop Israel from starving more children in Gaza. Emboldened by the United States’ unconditional support, Israel has sealed off all the seven land crossings to Gaza, including the Rafah border crossing with Egypt. Israel has destroyed all bakeries in Gaza and the southern city of Rafah and routinely bombed Palestinians seeking food aid for their starving families. The Guardian reports that Israeli soldiers have backed settler groups blocking, attacking, and looting aid trucks bound for Gaza. The Israeli army has destroyed and burned food supplies in Gaza, while Israeli soldiers have filmed themselves stealing humanitarian aid bound for starving Palestinians in Gaza.

Western governments, led by the Biden administration, are complicit in Gaza’s humanitarian catastrophe. Instead of forcing Israel to open the land crossings before the queuing humanitarian convoys, the Biden administration has acted powerless. Embarking on political theatrics, the United States built a floating aid pier off Gaza, which has only made matters worse for starving Palestinians, as observers believe that Gaza was receiving more aid before the US aid port was built.

People in Gaza are looking down into the abyss. Without real global action to stop it, more children will die if Israel’s inhumane starvation of Gaza is allowed to continue.


Seraj Assi is a Palestinian writer living in Washington, DC, and the author, most recently, of My Life As An Alien (Tartarus Press).

Tanks reach heart of Gaza’s Rafah as Israeli bombardment mounts / by Bel Trew

Smoke rises following Israeli strikes on Rafah (Photos by Reuters)

It comes as Israel faces international outcry over strikes on city – with more than one million people having fled in the last three weeks

Reposted from the Independent


Israeli tanks have pushed into the centre of Rafah for the first time, as Israeli forces bombard the Gaza border city where hundreds of thousands of people are sheltering.

It came as the UK called for “swift and transparent” full investigation into an airstrike and subsequent blaze that killed at least 45 people in a tent camp in the city on Sunday. The strike on the Tel al-Sultan neighbourhood, which the Palestinian Red Crescent said is partially located in a designated humanitarian zone, has led to an international outcry. More than half of the dead are said to be women, children and the elderly.

Palestinian officials claimed on Tuesday that at least another 21 people were killed in tank shelling that hit another tent camp in al-Mawasi in western Rafah. However, the Israeli military denied this. “Contrary to the reports from the last few hours, the IDF did not strike in the Humanitarian Area in al-Mawasi,” a statement said.

In an earlier statement, the Israeli army said that an initial investigation by their own forces into the strike on Sunday found that the blaze near the tent camp was caused by a secondary explosion. Chief military spokesperson Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari said it was still unclear what set off the blaze, but that the military fired two 17kg munitions targeting two senior Hamas militants. He said the munitions would have been too small to ignite a fire on their own and the military is looking into the possibility that weapons were stored in the area. The fire could have ignited fuel, cooking gas canisters or other materials in the densely populated camp, where people were sheltering under little more than tarpaulin and cloth.

Britain’s foreign secretary, David Cameron, described the scenes from the strike as “deeply depressing” and urged Israeli military to conduct a “swift, comprehensive, and transparent” probe.

Children look on, as Palestinians travel on foot along with their belongings to flee Rafah (Reuters)

A Downing Street spokesperson said Britain would not support a major military operation in Rafah without a plan to protect the hundreds of thousands of civilians who remain there.

Mr Netanyahu has called the deadly strike on Sunday a “tragic mishap”.

Meanwhile, Israeli tanks pressed ahead with their offensive into Rafah. Tanks and armoured vehicles mounted with machine guns were spotted near al-Awda mosque, a central Rafah landmark, witnesses told Reuters.

Since May, Israel has mounted a ferocious ground assault into Rafah causing nearly a million people, most of them displaced multiple times, to flee.

They are now seeking refuge in squalid tent camps with dwindling water, food and medical supplies in other war-ravaged strip. In places such as Khan Younis, which is further north and largely destroyed, civilians said they were struggling to find water.

The United States, the UK and other allies of Israel have warned against a full-fledged offensive in the city, with the Biden administration saying that would cross “a red line” and refusing to provide offensive arms for such an undertaking.

The International Court of Justice has called on Israel to halt its Rafah offensive and reiterated its demand for the immediate and unconditional release of hostages held in Gaza by Hamas. Israel has continued its Rafah operation, saying the court ruling grants it some scope for the action.

Palestinians search for food among burnt debris in the aftermath of an Israeli strike on Rafah
Palestinians search for food among burnt debris in the aftermath of an Israeli strike on Rafah (Reuters)

Israel launched its most ferocious bombardment of Gaza ever in retaliation for the 7 October attack by Hamas on southern Israel, during which they killed around 1,200 people and took over 250 hostage.

Since then, Palestinian officials say Israel’s bombing has killed more than 36,000 people, the majority women and children. The focus has, in recent months, been Rafah.

Palestinian health ministry officials told The Independent the city was being pounded with ferocious air strikes and tank fire, and that new strikes in the Tel al-Sultan district – the district where Sunday’s strike hit – killed at least 16 Palestinians.

The Israeli military said its forces continued to operate in the Rafah area, without commenting on reported advances into the city centre.

There are also concerns about the health system. Most of Gaza’s hospitals are no longer functioning. Medics at the Kuwait Hospital in Rafah told The Independent it shut down on Monday after a strike near its entrance killed two health workers.

Palestinian health ministry officials in Gaza said two medical facilities in Tel al-Sultan are out of service because of intense bombing nearby.

A spokesperson for the World Health Organization said casualties from Sunday’s strike and fire “absolutely overwhelmed” field hospitals in the area, which were already running short on supplies to treat severe burns.

Moamen, 27, who is displaced from the very north of Gaza and was in the camp that was targeted on Sunday, said most of those in the area had been told it was in the humanitarian zone and they had no money to go anywhere else.

“I heard three missiles and a huge, very powerful explosion that shook the place. It appears that the rockets used were incendiary, as fires broke out in the area,” he said.


Bel Trew is The Independent’s award-winning Chief International Correspondent, photographer and documentary filmmaker currently based in Berlin. Bel has covered events across the Middle East since the start of the Arab Spring in 2011, reporting on uprisings and wars from South Sudan to Yemen, Iraq to Syria. With a background in both the Gulf and Eastern Europe, she has since widened her scope to covering news events across the globe, including Ukraine, including the original documentary ‘The Body in the Woods’. Bel was named Foreign Reporter of the Year at the UK Press Awards and also won the Marie Colvin Award. She has lived across the Middle East from Cairo to Beirut.

45 burned alive by Israel, Biden still unsure whether ‘red line’ is crossed / by C.J. Atkins

Amid still smouldering rubble on Monday, Palestinians in Rafah search for the remains of loved ones burned alive after an Israeli airstrike engulfed a tent encampment of refugees in flames Sunday night. | Jahad Alshrafi / AP

Reposted from Peoples World


At least 45 Palestinians were burned alive in Rafah Sunday after bombs dropped from Israeli jets turned a tent encampment into a blazing inferno. On social media—and on television, at least outside the United States and Israel—videos circulating show Gazans carrying the charred remains of victims from the blackened rubble.

One woman interviewed by the international media Monday as she and others scoured the ashes for the bodies of the dead described the situation: “All the people fled from the tents running. The sound was horrifying and deafening. This place is full of innocent people and children, and they are all martyred.”

Another man, searching for his loved ones’ remains, said, “My entire family were wiped off the record. No one is left.”

The tent encampment burns in Rafah Sunday night after an Israeli airstrike. AP

It’s a story that has been repeated thousands of times during the last several months. Along with the Palestinians killed in other Israeli attacks this weekend and into Monday, the human beings incinerated in Rafah pushed the Gaza death toll to just over 36,000.

In Washington, meanwhile, the White House says it is “assessing” whether this latest atrocity crosses the “red line” that Biden announced in early May. With that warning, Biden had threatened to suspend delivery of some classes of U.S.-made weapons to Israel if it attacked Rafah, where more than a million Palestinians have been herded by Israeli troops.

On May 8, Biden did issue a “pause” on a single shipment of 1,800 of the 2,000-pound bombs and 1,700 of the 500-pound bombs that Israel used to flatten Gaza and kill tens of thousands in the earlier months of the war. He announced that if Israel went into Rafah, “I’m not supplying the weapons that have been used historically.”

Despite that declaration, Israel’s troops have been attacking Rafah for weeks, and its bombers have been carrying out airstrikes regularly—with essentially no consequences. Aside from the two categories of bombs, all other scheduled weapons shipments have continued unabated. Even as this article goes to press, it is being reported that Israeli tanks are rolling through the center of Rafah.

Before making any moves in response to Sunday’s mass murder, the Biden administration is apparently awaiting the results of an inquiry by the Israeli Defense Forces, which has been tasked with investigating its own crimes. Washington is also clinging to the claim by Netanyahu that the burning of 45 people was a “tragic mishap” resulting from an effort to use “precision munitions” to target Hamas fighters.

Using language that’s become all too familiar, a White House official said Monday that the images coming from Rafah were “devastating” and “heartbreaking.” There was no signal at all, however, that the president has any intention of changing his approach to the war. In the next breath, the same spokesperson said, “Israel has a right to go after Hamas.”

Now held prisoner by Biden’s own red line declaration, the administration and its PR spin doctors continue to engage in a game of words, contorting to explain away each new atrocity committed by Israel as not yet sufficiently horrible enough to justify cutting off Israel’s endless U.S. arms supply.

When Israel attacked Gaza earlier this month, for instance, it was deemed “not a major military operation.” Therefore, it did not qualify as crossing the red line and thus failed to trigger any further weapons pauses.

Then, when a pre-scheduled State Department statement on how Israel was using the weapons supplied by the U.S. had to be issued in mid-May, it reported that it “may be reasonable to assess” Israel has violated international law. But despite the supposed reasonableness, the Biden administration declined to make such an assessment.

Several days ago, even as Israel maintained its total blockade on food, water, fuel, and medical supplies crossing any of Gaza’s borders, the existence of a (now disabled) floating platform letting a handful of ships unload a miniscule amount of supplies was deemed sufficient for the U.S. to conclude Israel was not “prohibiting or otherwise restricting the transport or delivery of…humanitarian assistance.”

To top it all off, National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan spent the last several days huddling with Israeli leaders in Tel Aviv to strategize a way that Israel might ravage Rafah in a way that would supposedly “prevent mass civilian casualties.” And that brings us to now.

Palestinians mourn relatives burned alive in Israel’s bombardment of Rafah on Sunday night. | Jehad Alshrafi / AP

Will the White House decide that the 45 Palestinians burned alive Sunday night constitute mass civilian casualties? Given what has been seen so far, there’s little reason to hope.

The level of verbal obfuscation by the administration when it comes to Israel’s war crimes, along with Sullivan’s active collaboration in the scheme to attack Rafah in a manner meeting some politically acceptable standard, suggest Biden’s “red line” was never real.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez put the issue squarely Monday: “It is long past time for the president to live up to his word and suspend military aid.” Rep. Ayanna Pressley asked, “How much longer will the U.S. stand by while the Israeli military slaughters and mutilates Palestinian babies?”

Rep. Rashida Tlaib, the only Palestinian-American in Congress, called Netanyahu a “genocidal maniac.” And as always, Rep. Cori Bush didn’t mince words: “Babies burned alive. Palestinians massacred overnight. End the genocide. Ceasefire now.”

But what will it take to make Biden change course? How many more war crimes must be committed before he orders a real halt in arms shipments? In the wake of the Rafah blaze, will he keep repeating the obvious falsehood that “what’s happening in Gaza is not genocide,” as he did last week?

The longer the president sticks to his disastrous approach, isolating increasing an number of voters, the greater becomes the risk of U.S. politics shifting even further to the right in November. The return of Trump would likely mean even more death and destruction for Palestine, along with creeping fascism here at home.

Only 34% of U.S. voters say they approve of Biden’s handling of the war. As one Reuters pollster put it, “This issue is a stone-cold loser for Biden; he’s losing votes from the left, right, and center.” Among Democrats, young people, voters of color, and others, the numbers are even worse.

The university encampments must remain steadfast. The ceasefire resolutions from labor unions, city councils, and other bodies have to continue piling up. Protests, petitions, and phone calls to the White House are needed in even greater numbers.

What other tactics can be employed, though? How can the political influence of the weapons makers, Netanyahu’s right-wing U.S. allies, and the neocon foreign policy establishment be combatted?

These are questions that the evolving ceasefire movement must collectively tackle. The survival of Gaza and U.S. democracy are on the line.


C.J. Atkins is the managing editor at People’s World. He holds a Ph.D. in political science from York University in Toronto and has a research and teaching background in political economy and the politics and ideas of the American left.

Headless child, charred bodies: Survivors recount Israel’s Rafah camp massacre / by Ahmed Aziz and Huthifa Fayyad

A mourner reacts over the body of a Palestinian killed in an Israeli strike on an area designated for displaced people, during a funeral in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, 27 May 2024 (Reuters/Mohammed Salem)

Strike on displaced Palestinians kills 45 and leaves many grappling with the devastating aftermath

Reposted in Middle East Eye


After sunrise, survivors of the Israeli bombing of a Rafah displacement camp returned to assess the damage. 

Children peeked through the window of a hollowed-out car, men searched the burnt debris, and journalists took photos of the blackened food cans.

Around 12 hours earlier, Palestinian families were inside these tents, which were set ablaze after the Israeli military bombed the encampment, located in northwestern Rafah. 

Many had just finished night prayers, some were asleep and others were simply gathered with their families. 

“We were sitting down in peace when we suddenly heard the explosion,” said Layan al-Fayoum, a survivor of the attack. 

“It was so sudden. The bombs came down without a warning.”

The young teenager went out of her tent to see what happened and was shocked by the large inferno that had engulfed the site. 

‘We had to recover dismembered limbs and dead children’

– Layan al-Fayoum, Palestinian girl

“The flames were huge,” she told Middle East Eye. 

“We saw tents on fire and then had to recover dismembered limbs and dead children.”

Palestinian children look at the damages at the site of an Israeli strike on a camp area for internally displaced people in Rafah on 27 May 2024 (Reuters/Mohammed Salem)

The attack took place around 10 pm local time. Israeli jets dropped bombs on the makeshift camp, causing a fire that burned some 14 tents, according to one eyewitness. 

The camp is located in the Israeli-designated “humanitarian zone” near a UN storage facility, according to analysis by Al Jazeera Arabic. 

The Palestinian health minister said 45 people were killed in the attack. Another 249 were wounded, some seriously, including people with severe burns and severed limbs. 

Health officials said they are overwhelmed by the volume and type of injuries, as only one hospital is operational in Rafah due to Israel’s destruction of the health system across Gaza. 

First responders described similar challenges as 80 percent of the Palestinian civil defence capabilities have been destroyed since 7 October. 

This was all evident after the bombing, as firefighters, paramedics, and residents struggled to contain the fire. 

Chaotic scenes ensued, with panicked survivors running for safety amidst the charred bodies as one man held a headless child and a medic carried another with his brains blown out.

“I came out of my tent and saw fire everywhere,” said Mohammad Abo Sebah, an eyewitness. 

“A young girl was screaming, so we helped her and her adult brother. When we returned, the encampment was totally destroyed.” 

It took around 11 fire trucks between one and two hours to finally stop the fire, according to al-Fayoum. 

The teenager said her family were planning to relocate to another camp on Monday morning as the Israeli attacks in Rafah had increased in recent weeks.  

But they have lost their money in the fire, meaning they can’t go anywhere now and have no tent to shelter in. 

“They said these were safe zones,” Abo Sebah told MEE. 

“This occupation is despicable and criminal.”

‘Destruction, corpses, and killings’

The Israeli military said it used “precise ammunition” in the attack, allegedly to kill two members of Hamas’ armed wing.

It added the incident was “under review” and that it regrets “any harm to non-combatants during the war”. 

There’s no safe place here. Not even the dead who are buried underground are safe’ 

– Mohammad Abo Sebah, massacre survivor

Abo Sebah, who fled central Gaza to this encampment in January, said he did not buy the Israeli claims.

“What else do you expect them to say?” he told MEE. 

“We have never seen any resistance fighters here. The fighters are in the combat zones in eastern Rafah. 

“The Israelis just say these things to justify their actions. They want to kill the Palestinian people, forcibly expel them, and destroy their homes.”

Abo Sebah lost his home in November when it was bombed by Israeli warplanes in an attack that killed two of his sons, his daughter, and her two-year-old infant. 

He came to Rafah seeking safety, as Israel told Palestinians to come to the southern city earlier in the war to avoid dangerous areas elsewhere. 

“There’s no safe place here. No one is safe. Not even the dead who are buried underground are safe,” Abo Sebah said. 

“Destruction, corpses, and killings. This is our life.”

Palestinians gather at the site of an Israeli strike on a camp area for internally displaced people in Rafah on 27 May 2024 (Eyad Baba/AFP)

The bombing prompted global condemnations of Israel. 

Several Arab states decried it, including Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar. 

Josep Borrell, the European Union’s foreign policy chief, called it “horrifying”. 

“There is no safe place in Gaza. These attacks must stop immediately,” he said on social media platform X. 

Similarly, French President Emmanuel Macron said he was “outraged” by the strikes. 

“These operations must stop. There are no safe areas in Rafah for Palestinian civilians,” he said on X.

The massacres came two days after the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel must halt its Rafah offensive in the ongoing case accusing Israel of genocide in its war on Gaza.

Israel rejected the ruling and said its offensive in Gaza was in line with international law.


Ahmed Aziz is a Palestinian journalist based in the Gaza Strip.

Huthifa Fayyad’s articles have appeared in Al Jazeera English, Middle East Eye, and the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.

Israel’s War Is Not About Bringing Down Hamas / by Guy Laron

Israeli tanks move near the Gaza border on October 12, 2023. (Mostafa Alkharouf / Anadolu via Getty Images)

Israel clearly has little interest in recovering the hostages taken on October 7. The real objectives: protecting West Bank settlements, further eroding the judiciary, rehabilitating the military’s image, and simple revenge

Reposted from Jacobin


If we judge the military operation in the Gaza Strip by the measure of the objectives that the government presented to the Israeli public, it is clearly an absolute failure.

After six months of combat, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have not accomplished their primary mission: eliminating Hamas rule in Gaza. The IDF has put out of action an estimated one-third of Hamas’s fighting force and has detonated approximately 20 percent of its tunnels. That is a hard blow but not a fatal one. Hamas is not just still functioning but managing to take over new swaths of territory upon the IDF’s departure, using them to launch rockets into Israel.

Moreover, the additional objective set for the operation, returning the hostages, has not been accomplished. The vast majority of hostages were released thanks to a deal that exchanged them for Palestinian prisoners. Only three of the hostages were freed as a result of the military operation.

What’s worse, three of the hostages were shot to death by IDF forces, and a still-unknown number of hostages have been killed as a result of indiscriminate bombing by the IDF (based on statements that Hamas ordered the hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin to recite in a recently released video, it appears that Hamas estimates the number of hostages killed in such a manner at seventy).

The cabinet that made the decision to go to war included two retired IDF chiefs, a former general, and a prime minister who has approved and conducted multiple military operations. In addition, the chief of the IDF pushed and pressured the cabinet to approve the ground maneuver in the Gaza Strip. These people knew full well what the operation they were about to approve could and could not achieve, yet pushed ahead with it anyway.

Evidence of that effect can be found in the interview that Gadi Eisenkot, a minister in the current government, gave for Ilana Dayan. The battle-tested general cogently explained to the veteran journalist why the operation had no chance of freeing the hostages: the hostages are not being held on the surface in an isolated target such as a plane or a bus, Eisenkot said; they are being hidden in tunnels that the IDF would struggle to get at. If that is indeed the case, one can conclude that the objectives of the operation as they were presented to the public aimed to garner support and were not the real objectives that the government sought to achieve.

If so, what were the real objectives of the operation?

West Bank Settlements

The first is to protect settlements in the West Bank.

The Israeli settlers’ leadership enjoys representation in key ministries of the current government: finance, defense, and internal security. The judicial coup that the coalition put forward sought to bring about a unilateral annexation of the West Bank without bestowing the rights of citizenship on the Palestinians living there. In that way, the state could guarantee the property rights of settlers to the houses they built there.

In the decade and a half preceding the Hamas attack, Netanyahu articulated a security doctrine that guided his actions and rhetoric as prime minister. One of the principles of the “Netanyahu Doctrine,” which he reiterated as often as he could, was that the occupation carried no price. Israel, Netanyahu told the electorate, could become a technological powerhouse and forge ties with countries throughout the Arab world despite the expansion of settlements in the West Bank.

The key, explained the prime minister, was to preserve the division between the West Bank and Gaza that resulted from each of these territories being ruled by antagonistic and competing Palestinian organizations. Apparently, Netanyahu thought that funding by the petro-emirate of Qatar to Hamas made it in the latter’s interest to play ball with Jewish colonialism in the West Bank. The Hamas attack on October 7 upended all the presuppositions of the Netanyahu Doctrine.

Hamas used Qatar’s money to build a sophisticated war machine and turned Netanyahu into a laughingstock, both in Israel and abroad. Had Israel restrained itself to a limited reaction against the attack and focused instead on upgrading the security fence as well as reaching a hostage deal, then the public would have had time to discuss the collapse of the Netanyahu Doctrine and demand the fall of the government. With the decision to start a military operation, the government bought itself precious time and postponed public debate on the price of settlement in the West Bank.

The prolongation of the war and the government’s de facto refusal to bring it to a close continue to serve this purpose. By rejecting yet another hostage deal, the government takes off the agenda any debate concerning “the day after” — i.e. the political settlement required to ensure quiet along Israel’s borders, a solution that the government fears will necessitate the evacuation of some of the settlements.

The government is not only acting to protect existing settlements but also striving to broaden the settlement project through actions intended to destabilize the West Bank. That is why, for example, the government is refusing to allow laborers from the West Bank to return to work in Israel and withholding funds that the Palestinian Authority (PA) is entitled to according to the Paris Accords. Thus the West Bank has been put in an economic chokehold, and the PA’s ability to pay its police officers has been compromised. Settler militias seek to damage the property of Palestinians, whose expulsion has continued even after October 7.

A Judicial Coup

As combat wears on, the government is acting to advance its second real goal: the judicial coup.

Since January 2023, Netanyahu’s coalition attempted to ram through a set of laws that would annul the courts’ independence. Among other things, the government sought to have the power to appoint judges, restrict judges’ ability to pass a verdict, and give Parliament the authority to cancel verdicts. Had these laws passed, the coalition would have gained the freedom to legislate without any judicial oversight.

The judicial coup aims not only to restrict the space for democracy but also the wholesale privatization of all government services. The government is acting to subject these services to market forces while paying off sectors of the population. These are complementary processes: restricting the freedom of expression and the right to protest are ways to suffocate protests against the collapse of the welfare state. Those most striving to this end are the ministers from the Religious Zionist Party.

Thus, for example, Itamar Ben-Gvir, the minister of national security, can go on making appointments to the upper echelons of the police and turning it into a partisan militia. Increasingly, the police shed the semblance of impartiality. Frequently, police officers have made arbitrary arrests of protesters and their leaders, shoved opposition members of parliament who participated in the demonstrations, turned a blind eye to violence inflicted on the protesters by pro-government thugs, and ignored settlers’ activity to block humanitarian aid from entering Gaza.

At the same time, Ben-Gvir is privatizing national security by granting tens of thousands of gun permits to civilians. In this way, the police lose to local militias their position as guarantor of law and order. Providing personal safety becomes a task for the individual rather than the state.

Meanwhile, the minister of finance, Bezalel Smotrich, hands out funds to sectors of the population allied with the government such as the settlers and the strictly orthodox Haredim. Each day newspaper readers learn about a new motion just approved by the government to pass hundreds of millions of shekels to the orthodox education system, municipal authorities of West Bank settlements, rabbinical services, and religious associations that perform charity work. All of this is happening at the same time that health, education, and transport services are facing budgetary strangulation. Becoming a settler or a Haredi is turning into the only option for those hoping to receive education and health services in the wake of the collapse of the education and health systems serving the general public.

Rehabilitating the IDF’s Image

The third real objective of the operation is to rehabilitate the IDF’s image and experiment with land warfare technology in which the army heavily invested during the last decade.

No organization so thoroughly internalized the Netanyahu Doctrine as much as the army. Its main task in the last decade was to maintain the occupation of the West Bank at the lowest cost possible by harnessing the latest military technology. The army’s devotion to this mission explains in part its dismal performance on October 7.

The IDF identified the educated bourgeoisie’s discomfort with the mission of policing the West Bank and thus handed this mission to low-income sectors of the population who served in units like Kfir and Netzah Yehuda. These battalions performed the humdrum tasks of the occupation such as securing the settlements’ perimeter, patrolling Palestinian towns, confronting Palestinian protests, and making arrests. The children of the educated bourgeoisie were enlisted into high-tech units aimed at making possible the management of the conflict with a relatively small amount of manpower.

As a result, the IDF was able to transfer the bulk of its ground forces to security detail in the West Bank, leaving a far smaller number of troops along the northern and southern borders. The army convinced itself that its intelligence capabilities and the robotic technology deployed along the southern border would ensure that it would never be taken by surprise. Were that ever to happen, the army supposedly would be able to respond right away.

The army so bought into the Netanyahu Doctrine that senior officers in the intelligence services refused to believe the obvious signals that a surprise attack was in the offing. Even when on-the-ground soldiers brought convincing evidence of an impending Hamas attack, the colonels sitting in the halls of the intelligence branch plugged their ears. The surprise attack by Hamas on October 7 uncovered the army leadership’s incompetence.

To contend with the shock and fear among the Israeli public, the army latched on to an armed offensive in Gaza as a quick fix to the reputational damage it suffered on October 7. Since 2006, the Israeli General Staff, led by officers drawn from the ground forces, invested in the technological capabilities that would allow the ground forces to improve over their pathetic performance during the Second Lebanon War. The land operation in Gaza, ominously codenamed “Swords of Iron,” has handed generals the opportunity to check if this investment has borne fruit, putting the troops and the technology to the ultimate test on the battlefield.

Revenge

Once those same generals realized that the ground operation would not bring about the defeat of Hamas, a fourth real objective for the operation was born: the mission of revenge.

Despite knowing that such images would create serious problems for Israel with the international court system, the General Staff and officers on the ground allowed soldiers to upload videos and pictures that could sate the public’s desire for revenge and help them to forget that that operation was bound to fail at bringing down Hamas.

Thus the ground operation in Gaza became a military failure and a political success. Under its cover, the army and the coalition are winning back their status among the public and advancing their interests. Their political egotism expresses itself through their willingness to ignore Israel’s difficult problems: the country’s transformation into a pariah state, the never-ending conflict in the Gaza Strip, economic hardships, and intensifying internal division.

The ministers and the general are heading toward a forever war. After them, the deluge.


Guy Laron is a senior lecturer in international relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The first US-Israeli joint war / by Gilbert Achcar

Destruction in the Gaza strip, October 2023 | cc. Ali Hamad

Reposted from Le Monde Diplomatique


The Israeli military forces’ war on Gaza, following Hamas’s 7 October attack, is the first Israeli war in which Washington is a cobelligerent. The US openly supports the war’s proclaimed goal and is blocking calls for a ceasefire at the United Nations — all while providing arms and ammunition to Israel and acting to dissuade other regional actors from intervening in the conflict to help Hamas.

The US did not give Israel military support at its creation: it presented itself at first as an impartial arbiter between Israel and its Arab neighbours, ordering an embargo on arms packages to both that remained in force until the end of Dwight Eisenhower’s presidency (1953–61). In the early years, Israel had to rely on West Germany and France for its funding and arming. The situation changed when John F Kennedy, faced with radicalised Arab nationalism led by Nasser’s Egypt and setbacks to US influence in the Middle East, decided to rely on Israel and began to send it arms.

This was the beginning of a ‘special relationship’ that would prove very special indeed: between its creation in 1948 and the start of 2023, Israel received more than $158bn in US aid, including more than $124bn in military aid, which makes it the largest cumulative recipient of US funding since the second world war (1). Every year the US provides Israel with military aid to the tune of almost $4bn.

Yet Washington did not openly support Israel’s war against its Arab neighbours in 1967 (it could not endorse the invasion of the West Bank at the expense of Jordan, another ally). During the October 1973 war, the ‘special relationship’ did translate to an airlift of weaponry to Israel — the goal, however, was to help it to contain the offensive launched by Egypt and Syria. Once Israel managed to redress the situation to its advantage, Washington exercised strong pressure on it to end hostilities. The US did not openly support the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and intervened as mediator for the evacuation of Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) combatants in Beirut. Nor did it support the war launched by Israel against Lebanon in 2006, or its subsequent successive offensives against Gaza.

This time, though, US support for Israel has been explicit and massive. In the aftermath of 7 October, Washington decided to send two US carrier battle groups into the eastern Mediterranean, led by the aircraft carriers USS Eisenhower and USS Ford, a marine intervention unit, as well as an amphibian assault group led by the USS Bataan in the Black Sea and the USS Florida nuclear submarine, which carries cruise missiles. At the same time, Washington alerted its air bases in the region and urgently delivered military equipment to Israel, including missiles for the Iron Dome aerial defence system.

Washington thus provided a regional cover to Israel, so that it could devote the bulk of its forces to a war against Gaza whose stated objective, from the outset, has been the eradication of Hamas. The US and other western states have openly supported this goal. The fact is, however, that the eradication of a mass organisation that has governed a small, very densely populated territory since 2007 cannot go ahead without a massacre of genocidal proportions. This is especially true since the Israeli army had the clear intention of minimising losses in its own ranks during the invasion, which called for the intensive use of remote strikes, the flattening of urban areas in order to avoid urban guerrilla warfare and, therefore, the maximisation of civilian deaths.

The US’s responsibility in this massacre includes providing Israel with a large portion of the means to commit it. As of late November, Washington had sent its ally 57,000 artillery shells and 15,000 bombs, including more than 5,400 BLU-117s and 100 BLU-109 (‘bunker buster’) bombs, which weigh 2000 pounds (almost a tonne) each (2). The New York Times reported military experts’ astonishment at Israel’s ‘liberal’ use of these 2,000-pound bombs, each of which can flatten a tower several stories high, and which contributed to making Israel’s war against Gaza a massacre of civilians ‘at a historic pace’ (3). By 25 December, the US had provided Israel with 244 arms deliveries by cargo plane, as well as 20 shipments by boat (4). In addition, the Guardian revealed that Israel had been able to draw on the vast stockpile of US weapons already ‘pre-positioned’ in the country (5).

To finance all of this, on 20 October, the Biden administration made an extra-budgetary request of $105bn to Congress, including 61.4bn for Ukraine ($46.3bn in military aid), $14.1bn for Israel ($13.9bn in military aid) and $13.6bn for the fight against illegal immigration at the border. The US president believed he could wrangle a green light from the Republican right for Ukraine by tying that aid (a bone of contention) with causes dear to them — yet by the end of 2023, Biden had still not succeeded in having his request approved. The Republican right has used Biden’s strategy against him by demanding even more drastic measures at the border, putting him in an uncomfortable position with his own party.

In order to provide Israeli Merkava tanks with 45,000 artillery shells for $500m, the Biden administration has bypassed Congress by passing an emergency measure on 9 December, a package of 14,000 shells for $106.5m. It repeated this manoeuvre on 30 December for $147.50m, provoking the anger of Democrats calling for more controls on arms packages to Israel. For all this, Biden bears a direct share of responsibility for the massacre perpetrated by Israeli forces in Gaza. His exhortations for Israel to be more ‘humanitarian’ ring hollow and are easily dismissed by critics as hypocrisy. His disagreement with Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu on the plan for the day after the war does not change the two governments’ joint responsibility for the war itself (6).

Ultimately, Biden — who, during his 2020 presidential campaign, promised to reverse course on his predecessor’s markedly pro-Israel politics, notably by reopening the US consulate in East Jerusalem and the PLO office in Washington — did none of this. Instead, he followed in Donald Trump’s footsteps, first by focusing on encouraging Saudi Arabia to join the Arab states that had established diplomatic relations with Israel under Trump’s aegis, then by giving unconditional support to Israel in its invasion of Gaza. In so doing, he has managed to anger his own Democratic Party — which is today more sympathetic to the Palestinians than to the Israelis (by 34% to 31%), according to a poll published on 19 December — without satisfying the Republicans either. In the end, 57% of Americans disapprove of Biden’s handling of the conflict, according to the same poll (7).


Notes –

(1) Congressional Research Service, U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel, CRS Report, Washington, 1 March 2023.

(2) Jared Malsin and Nancy A Youssef, ‘U.S. Sends Israel 2,000-Pound Bunker Buster Bombs for Gaza War’, Wall Street Journal, 1 December 2023.

(3) Lauren Leatherby, ‘Gaza Civilians, Under Israeli Barrage, Are Being Killed at Historic Pace’, New York Times, 25 November 2023.

(4) ‘244 US cargo planes, 20 ships deliver over 10,000 tons of military equipment to Israel – report’, Times of Israel, 25 December 2023.

(5) Harry Davies and Manisha Ganguly, ‘Gaza war puts US’s extensive weapons stockpile in Israel under scrutiny’, The Guardian, 27 December 2023.

(6) Read Gilbert Achcar, ‘Israeli far right’s plans for expulsion and expansion’, Le Monde diplomatique in English, December 2023.

(7) Jonathan Weisman, Ruth Igielnik and Alyce McFadden, ‘Poll Finds Wide Disapproval of Biden on Gaza, and Little Room to Shift Gears’, New York Times, 19 December 2023.


Gilbert Achcar is professor of international relations at SOAS, University of London. His most recent book is The New Cold War: The United States, Russia and China, from Kosovo to Ukraine, Westbourne Press, London, and Haymarket, Chicago, 2023.

Iran’s President Ebrahim Raisi killed in helicopter crash / by Middle East Eye Staff

President Ebrahim Raisi took office in 2021 (Reuters)

The helicopter crashed while crossing mountainous terrain, killing all passengers

Reposted from Middle East Eye


Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi and his foreign minister were killed in a helicopter crash in mountainous terrain and icy weather, Iran’s Mehr news agency said Monday, after search teams located the wreckage in East Azerbaijan province.

A senior Iranian official, who asked not to be named, confirmed to Reuters that  all the passengers in the helicopter were killed in the crash.

The head of Iran’s Red Crescent, Pirhossein Kolivand, earlier told state television that “no sign” of life was detected among passengers of the helicopter that crashed on Sunday afternoon.

“Upon finding the helicopter, there was no sign of the helicopter passengers being alive as of yet,” state TV reported.

Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, East Azerbaijan Governor Malek Rahmati and Mohammad Ali Ale-Hashem, the representative of the Iranian supreme leader to the province, were in the same helicopter as Raisi.

An official told Reuters that the helicopter was found completely burned and all passengers were feared dead. 

Rescue teams faced extreme weather and difficult terrain through the night to reach the wreckage in East Azerbaijan province. The area is covered in thick fog, with temperatures plummeting overnight and the heavy rain turning into snowfall.

Hours after midnight, a Turkish drone identified a source of heat suspected to be the helicopter’s wreckage and shared the coordinates with Iranian authorities who dispatched a large rescue team to the site.

Fears had been growing for Raisi, 63, after contact was lost with the aircraft carrying him back from a visit to the Azerbaijani border. Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi had said the helicopter “made a hard landing” in bad weather.

Iranian state media said images of the wreckage indicate that the helicopter had crashed into a mountain peak, although there was no official word yet on the cause of the crash.The president, a principlist and ideological ally of Khamenei, has been in office since 2021.

According to the Iranian constitution, in the event of the death, dismissal or resignation of the president, or an absence or illness lasting more than two months, the vice president, with the approval of Iran’s supreme leader, is to assume the president’s responsibilities.

A council consisting of the parliamentary speaker, the head of the judiciary and the vice president is then required to arrange the election of a new president within a maximum period of 50 days.

This is a developing story.


Middle East Eye is an independently funded digital news organisation covering stories from the Middle East and North Africa, as well as related content from beyond the region.

Letters of protest: Colleges suppress dissent while closing their eyes to genocide, extended version / by Michael D. Yates

Popular University for Gaza encampment at the University of Oregon demanding divestment from companies supporting Israel. Day 2, April 30, 2024. Image Credit: Ian Mohr, Flickr.

Reposted from MR Online


An earlier version of this article was published in Counterpunch, May 3, 2024.

As Israel began its genocide in Gaza, those who manage U.S. colleges and universities also commenced to issue statements of outrage at what Hamas had done. And as campus protests erupted in condemnation of the slaughter of Gazans, and especially children, and the destruction of homes and every major institution, including hospitals, these same institutions of highher learning began to disrupt these protests and bring them to an end. As a former college teacher, one who witnessed the attacks on those who protested against the War in Vietnam and who studied the repression on campuses during the McCarthy period, I became so appalled at what was being done to our brave and courageous college students that I began to write letters to the leaders of what are, in reality, academic enterprises.

University of Pittsburgh

Immediately after the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel by Hamas and other Palestinian groups, on October 10, the chancellor of the University of Pittsburgh, Joan Gabel, sent a message to the Pitt “community” decrying Hamas’s violence and offering University services to students traumatized by this. She wrote:

Another wave of darkness has emerged in the violence taking place in Israel and Gaza. These heinous acts are antithetical to our values. We are compassionate. We are givers and doers. As such, we recognize the deep impact of these events across our community. Many of us are struggling with what we have seen, including members of our university family who face the unimaginable burden of grief for fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, brothers and sisters, friends, and loved ones. For those hurting — for those grieving — we have resources available including Pitt Global, the University Counseling Center for students, and LifeSolutions for faculty and staff. We encourage all students, faculty and staff to use them. As more resources become available, we will share them.

Given her wording, she was almost certainly addressing mainly Jewish members of the “community.” In response, I sent the following email to her the same day:

Yes, the killings were terrible. But will you send another note about grieving as the Israelis bomb hospitals and kill many innocent people?

Michael D. Yates, Pitt PhD and Pitt professor emeritus.

I sent a follow-up note on December 11, when it was clear what Israel was doing:

Still waiting but not holding my breath for you to tell us (your colleagues, Pitt family, take your pick) that you are horrified, or at least a bit disturbed, by the wanton slaughter of children in Palestine, and that Pitt will help anyone traumatized by this. I suspect that you will be like every other University CEO (which is what you are) and say nothing or agree that anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism. International law will not be something you will refer to unless the culprit is an enemy of the US in the eyes of the US government.

Yours in peace,

Michael Yates, Professor Emeritus and Pitt PhD

P.S. Monthly Review Press, of which I am Director, published a book titled A Land With a People. The introduction, written by 80-year-old Rosalind Petchesky (a Jewish anti-Zionist), is worth reading. If your flack catchers, by some rare chance, let you see this, read it, and I am certain you will learn a great deal.

Again, no response was forthcoming. To date, there is a Palestinian solidarity encampment at the University, but the university has not attempted to have it dismantled.

Hobart and William Smith College (HWS)

On April 9, 2024, HWS Professor Jodi Dean wrote an essay titled, “Palestine Speaks for Everyone,” which was published on the Verso Press Blog. It is a moving piece, and it begins with this paragraph:

The images from October 7 of paragliders evading Israeli air defenses were for many of us exhilarating. Here were moments of freedom, that defeated Zionist expectations of submission to occupation and siege. In them, we witnessed seemingly impossible acts of bravery and defiance in the face of the certain knowledge of the devastation that would follow (that Israel practices asymmetric warfare and responds with disproportionate force is no secret). Who could not feel energized seeing oppressed people bulldozing the fences enclosing them, taking to the skies in escape, and flying freely through the air? The shattering of the collective sense of the possible made it seem as if anyone could be free, as if imperialism, occupation, and oppression can and will be overthrown. As the Palestinian militant Leila Khaled wrote of a successful hijacking in her memoir, My People Shall Live, “it seemed the more spectacular the action the better the morale of our people.” Such actions puncture expectations and create a new sense of possibility, liberating people from hopelessness and despair.

The president of Dean’s college, Mark D. Gearan, took great offense to her article. Here is the opening paragraph of his letter to the HWS “community,” sent on April 13, 2024:

Earlier this week, Professor of Politics Jodi Dean wrote a piece for Verso on the war in Israel and Gaza. She spoke about feeling exhilarated and energized by the paragliders on October 7, an event that has led to so much brutality against civilians in Israel and Gaza. Not only am I in complete disagreement with Professor Dean, I find her comments repugnant, condemn them unequivocally, and want to make clear that these are her personal views and not those of our institution.

He then suspended Dean from her teaching duties. His letter and actions offended me, and I sent him this message:

Dear President Gearan,

I read your letter about Professor Jodi Dean’s essay, ‘Palestine Speaks for Everyone,’ which was posted at versobooks.com. I found your letter to be an excellent example of a false commitment to academic freedom and free speech. Taking Professor Dean out of her classroom is outrageous. Her essay speaks to a truth that cowards like you will never face. Israel is an occupying colonial power, with no right under any international law to do what it has done since the Nakba in 1948. It has violated  untold UN resolutions, and it has murdered untold numbers of people with abandon. What it has done since Oct. 7 has shocked most of the world, but apparently not you. Hamas and the other Palestinian resistance groups have every right under international law to resist Israel’s brutal and illegal occupation with violence, and Israel has no right to defend its colonial regime in Palestine. This is all not to mention that Israel’s current leadership, following it the footsteps of some of its founding fathers, are open fascists. What your letter does is whitewash this past and assert a sickening superior morality under the pretense that you are opposed to all violence. Please, spare us your tears. And your self-righteousness. Your students might be afraid and troubled!! Of what, pray tell. It is the people in Gaza who are afraid, because they are being killed by the tens of thousands. And if you have been following the news outside of the cowardly mainstream US Press, you would now know that most of the most outrageous acts Israel claimed Hamas and the other groups perpetrated on Oct. 7 have been shown not to have happened. The Nazis would have been proud of Netanyahu and company for their skill in lying and their willingness to murder women and children. Just as the US would not even take orphaned Jewish children into the United States during the late 1930s, because they might someday become Bolsheviks, so too the Israelis can’t have Palestinian kids grow up t be “terrorists.” or mothers giving birth to them.

You must put Professor Dean back in the classroom. I doubt you will, perhaps in fear that you will be called before Congress and declared an antisemite. Or more likely because you are simply not a very good human being.

Yours,

Michael D. Yates, Professor Emeritus, University of Pittsburgh-Johnstown

Illinois State University

Since just after October 7, Joe Scarborough, host of MSNBC’s popular “Morning Joe” program, has been railing against the campus protests. He typically refers to students (presumably privileged) at elite (as in Ivy League) colleges. However, the campus encampments that have been growing in number by the day, have been set up in many colleges and universities that are certainly not elite. One such college is Illinois State University in Normal, Illinois. I have had correspondence with a teacher there, one whose students are by no means elite. When the president of the university, Aondover Tarhule, began threatening the protesters with punitive actions, the organizers asked people to write to him. I wrote this letter on April 30, 2024:

Dear President Tarhule,

Students around the United States are courageously protesting the open genocide being committed by the Israeli government in Gaza. That it is a genocide is widely known, and members of the Israeli state openly admit it, even declaring themselves to be fascists. Now, your students are protesting. And what does your administration do? Like many other institutions of higher learning, you threaten them with suspensions and police violence. Your duty is to protect your students. Colleges claim to be in favor of critical thinking and socially responsible actions. Yet, as soon as they take you at your word, they see that it is all a mirage.

I was a college professor for 45 years. I saw the protests against the war in Vietnam and the way that college administrators dealt with them. I know about how your predecessors condemned and blacklisted professors during the McCarthy period. Today, the world is watching. Your students are watching. What lessons will they take from your actions? The answer is up to you. Do the right thing. Do not allow police on your campus. Protect the right of your students to protest.

Sincerely yours,

Michael D. Yates, Professor Emeritus, University of Pittsburgh

Princeton University

The more students have protested, the stronger and more violent the response by university administrators. The stormtroopers we erroneously call police were invited to put down the protests, and this they did, with fascist-like zeal. This was combined with a propaganda campaign, with full media participation from CNN and the New York Times, “reporting” that not only were the student voices rife with antisemitism, but there were nefarious outside agitators invading the campuses making trouble. Order had to be restored. At UCLA, anti-protestors did enter the college grounds by force, assaulting those who were condemning genocide. Campus security and LA police stood by while this was happening. Ultimately, the encampment was dismantled. It would hardly be surprising if these true outside agitators, like those at other universities, had close ties to the Israeli state’s multiple operation inside the United States.

Journalist Chris Hedges wrote an essay about what has happened at Princeton (The Chris Hedges Report, “Revolt in the Universities.”) After reading it, I wrote to  Rochelle Calhoun, Vice President of Campus Life:

Dear Rochelle Calhoun,

Like most of the nation’s universities, Princeton is showing its true colors as an active agent of the suppression of free speech and academic freedom. Your treatment of students protesting the genocide Israel is perpetrating in Gaza is appalling and makes a mockery of your supposed values of critical learning. As Vice President of Campus Life (note the corporate titles now ubiquitous in academe), you bear responsibility for the reprehensible treatment of student protestors, who have been arrested, handcuffed with zip ties, treated as trespassers in the place they in fact live, and unceremoniously booted off campus, unable even to take all of their possessions with them. I hope you are proud of yourself.

By doing what you are doing, you are drawing attention away from the heart of the matter, namely the callous and intentional slaughter of Gazans, including thousands of children. As Chris Hedges reports,

‘Not one university president has denounced Israel’s destruction of every university in Gaza. Not one university president has called for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. Not one university president has used the words “apartheid” or “genocide.” Not one university president has called for sanctions and divestment from Israel.’

As  happened during the McCarthy period and the protests against the War in Vietnam, our universities now show us how deeply they are embedded in the oppressive nature of our economic system and the national security state. As Thorstein Veblen noted more than 100 years ago, universities operate as businesses and their commitment to academic freedom and civil rights is a ruse. And as your behavior shows, as soon as a person becomes part of the corporate university, they begin to behave in ways that keep the enterprise going, no matter how liberal they think they are. Just doing their jobs, like the good Germans who gave aid and comfort, in one way or another, to National Socialism. You, like those who do the same work in other colleges and like your and their superiors, are, in truth, giving aid and comfort to genocide. It’s that simple. History will not look kindly upon you.

I was a college professor for 45 years. Not much surprises me anymore. But this does, because the Israeli genocide is perpetrated openly and some members of the Netanyahu government have declared themselves fascists. Perhaps you should take some time to grasp this and think about what you are doing.

Sincerely yours,

Michael D. Yates, Professor Emeritus, University of Pittsburgh—Johnstown.

It would be foolish to imagine that my letters will have any effect on what the officers of these colleges and universities will do. Yet, it is necessary for each of us to do what we can to raise our voices against any and all complicity in genocide. No matter how small. If many speak out, the students will gain more confidence and courage. It is what they are doing that is important and has a chance of bringing about real change.

Addendum

Since this piece was published, I have written two more letters. The first is to the president of California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt, Tom Jackson, Jr. The second is to the president of Portland State University, Ann E. Cudd. (Note: These letters extend the original essay, which was published in Counterpunch, May 3, 2024.)

Cal. Poly, Humboldt

Dear President Jackson,

Today, an essay I wrote was published at Counterpunch. In it are letters I have written to several college administrators protesting their actions aimed at shutting down the student protests that have swept across the country. A parent of one of your students wrote and asked if I would write to you as well. I said, of course.

Like your counterparts at other colleges, you have taken the low road, calling in the police to violently quell the protests. In the process, people were arrested irrespective of their actions. Like the soldiers who used to say, kill them all and let God sort them out, you have acquiesced to the same mentality. By doing so, you have violated every norm of not only academic freedom and the right to protest but also every tenet of due process. Punish them all, let others sort them out.

Meanwhile, the Israeli genocide continues, unabated after 7 months. Right in the open. Children without limbs, buried under the rubble, shot without mercy by IDF soldiers, Israeli politicians delighting in mass murder, a few even brazen enough to declare themselves fascists. I imagine that just as we have discovered that almost everything the Israeli government and the IDF have said about the attack on Oct. 7 and the ongoing slaughter is a lie, so we will likely find out later that the arrests were unwarranted, that student and faculty civil rights were violated, that the damage you claim was wildly exaggerated, and so forth. Lawsuits will be won by plaintiffs and money damages will eventually be paid by the police and your college. Life will go on except for the dead, and for your students who have been arrested, life will go on but not as well as yours and your administrative staff.

We keep hearing how these protests have harmed college “communities” (whatever this hackneyed phrase might mean) and prevented learning from taking place. I imagine that the truth is that the student protesters have found a real community through their actions, and I know that they have learned things you’d be surprised about. They have learned the necessity of struggle against injustice, that our colleges are not really places of higher learning when push comes to shove, that some faculty do indeed behave as champions of true liberty, and that their lives will in an important sense never be the same.

I urge you to retrace your steps and try to make amends. At the least, cancel the suspensions unless you have proof of real crimes and not just marginal property damage. Do not ruin the lives of students who had the courage to protest mass murder. And while you are at it, think about the fact that a genocide is taking place before your eyes and you did nothing to stop it.

Sincerely yours,

Michael D. Yates, Professor Emeritus, University of Pittsburgh—Johnstown

Portland State University

Dear President Ann Cudd,

When you were Pitt’s Provost, I sent you occasional messages whenever you sent us a particularly obtuse message. I knew that you had finally achieved the ultimate post for an academic who has abandoned the professor’s life and joined the ranks of university executives. A university CEO! You went through all the hoops to make yourself saleable to those with real power and money. And I am sure you aim to stay that way.

As has happened on countless college campuses across the country, your students have strongly protested the mass murders of Palestinians and the absolute destruction of Gaza by what can only be characterized as a fascist state, that of Israel. The horror of what is happening in that part of the world is there for all to see, with the US government actively complicit in war crimes. No doubt your students were so appalled at the slaughter, with thousands of children intentionally killed and many more thousand wounded, many with arms and/or legs.

But let me guess. Like every college CEO and other top college executive, you have not spoken out against this and have done nothing to stop it. Instead, you did what most of your comrades-in-arms have done and are doing. You called in the cops. Today’s police forces are armed to the teeth, and police personnel are all too often Nazis themselves, many recruited after coming home from the killing fields of Iraq and Afghanistan. And unless you are more ignorant than I think you are, you know that the Israeli state has operatives all over the United States, often acting as provocateurs, or as your ilk call some of the protesters, outside agitators. I know, I know. You had to have law and order. Rules have to be obeyed. Disruptions of the academic enterprise cannot be countenanced. (Though, ironically, genocide can). So go to it, officers.

Oh well, it’s all Hail to PDX as it was Hail to Pitt. It’s all about our family, our community, and all the other trite phrases academic execs haul out to pretend that universities are in any sense either families or communities. The good news is that your students are, despite your repression, or no doubt because of it, learning valuable lifelong lessons. So you’re at least doing something right. The voice of history will praise them but you will end up on its scrap heap.

Yours as always,

Michael D. Yates, Pitt PhD and Professor Emeritus


Michael D. Yates is author of numerous books on unions, conditions in the working class, and the labor process.

Settler colonialism and the destruction of Palestine’s ecology / by Cas Smith

Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh of the Palestine Institute for Biodiversity and Sustainability. Photo: Peter Boyle

Reposted from Green Left Weekly


Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh has dedicated his life to studying the diversity of animals and plants in his homeland; not only in Bethlehem and the West Bank where he lives, but throughout historic Palestine and many Middle Eastern countries.

Since Qumsiyeh’s homeland has been occupied for 75 years, it’s inevitable that colonisation’s impact has been a central theme of his research, including at the Palestine Institute for Biodiversity and Sustainability, which he has run for the past 10 years.

Qumsiyeh told a lecture at Boorloo/Perth’s State Library on April 18 that Palestine is like a patient, whose current circumstances of starvation, war and the destruction of people’s lives, could be diagnosed and understood only by looking for historical factors as the cause.

He noted wryly that the case is “not congenital”. “There has always been a lot of food available; life was very good for thousands of years. So the patient was very healthy, rarely had any conflicts. If you took away the conflict that we are currently in the middle of, you’d have to go back to the Crusades to find another conflict.

“Palestine was a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-religious society living in peace and harmony. There was a diversity of people, culture and languages: before 1948, 44 languages were spoken here.”

However, the Nakba ended this, with the violent displacement of people who were seen as “needing to go” for the state of Israel to be established.

“Every single Zionist — whether Jewish, Christian or working for the British Empire — everybody knew that this entailed the removal of the local people and, of course, that’s what happened.

“Around 530 plus villages and towns were depopulated from 1948 to 1950.

“A friend of my mother, who had studied at teacher’s college in Jerusalem, was killed in the massacre of Deir Yassin, together with her students.”

Often left out of the story, Qumsiyeh said, is the impact of this colonisation on the natural environment.

He explained how Israel’s policy had often entailed the destruction of whole ecosystems and the loss of many plants and animals.

“Humanity is facing a humanitarian global catastrophe: this includes things like climate change, destruction and pollution, over-exploitation of natural resources, invasive species that are now spreading and of course settler colonialism and its impact on our world.

“For example, when Israel destroyed 530 Palestinian villages and towns, it also bulldozed all the trees around them — including domestic trees, like figs and olives and almond trees, or old trees, like oaks, hawthorn or carobs.

“It did plant others, but they were the wrong type: pine trees are good for northern Europe but not necessarily in Palestine where there’s a dry climate, so they’re susceptible to fire.

“Fires consumed the pine trees planted to replace indigenous Palestinian trees.

“How do we know there were indigenous Palestinian trees and farmlands there? Because after the fire, you can see the terraces our ancestors built that showed it was cultivated.”

Other Israeli state policies included the diversion of the Jordan River to irrigate “replacement” agriculture — which had led to it becoming little more than a stream, when once it had flowed at 1.35 billion cubic metres a year.

Israel destroyed the wetlands at Lake Hula, which Qumsiyeh said caused the loss of 219 animal species, as well as the removal of 12 communities that lived in the area.

Now students at his institute — which is connected to Bethlehem University — conduct research into similar environmental issues, such as the dumping of Israeli waste into West Bank territory, endangering the health of surrounding Palestinian communities.

The transfer of waste violates international law, with six of the 15 waste facilities processing hazardous material.

Student researchers and volunteers at the institute are treating and rehabilitating local wild animals, researching food sovereignty, developing a community garden and taking education programs to marginalised communities.

“We have a biodiversity centre with a molecular laboratory attached to it, a natural history exhibit and we also run ethnography exhibitions,” Qumsiyeh said.

“We welcome volunteers from around the world: so far people from 45 countries, including Australia and New Zealand, have come and worked with us. They work in the garden, even building a biogas unit.”

Reflecting on Israel’s genocidal war on Palestine, Qumsiyeh said the future could go one of three ways: wholesale genocide of the Indigenous population, such as in the United States; after the mass killing, the colonists leave (as was the case in Algeria); or the two peoples living together equally in one country.

This last option, he said, was the most common end for settler colonialism, as seen across the Americas, most of Europe and Asia and in South Africa and Zimbabwe.

“I prefer the third option; it’s the least bloody one,” he said, adding that Israel seems intent on pursuing the first scenario in Gaza.

“We are people just like everybody else,” Qumsiyeh said. “My family happens to be Christian; my grandfather’s best friend in school was Jewish under the Ottoman Empire. We never had problems with the religions. We do have a problem with colonisers. What we want is freedom.”

Qumsiyeh was speaking as part of a national tour. He was introduced by Indigenous and human rights scholar Jack Collard, with a Welcome to Country delivered by Uncle Ben Taylor.


[Visit Palestinian Institute for Biodiversity and Sustainability for more information. Professor Mazin Qumsiyeh’s book, Sharing the Land of Canaan: Human Rights and the Israeli-Palestinian Struggle (2004), is available through Pluto Press.]


Cas Smith writes for Green Left Weekly.