How We’re Building a Movement for Climate Justice in New Jersey / by Charlie Kratovil and Mia DiFelice

Image: F&WW

At a recent event, New Jerseyans across the labor, climate, and environmental justice movements came together to celebrate, strategize, and learn from each other

Reposted from Food & Water Watch


At a recent event, New Jerseyans across the labor, climate, and environmental justice movements came together to celebrate, strategize, and learn from each other.

When Lorin Fernandez first heard about plans for a new gas power plant in Woodbridge, NJ, she knew she had to do something to stop it. “I was terrified to learn how much pollution was going to be dumped in the air,” she remembers.

So Lorin, a mother and nurse living in nearby Rahway, joined the Food & Water Action Central Jersey Volunteer team leading the fight against the power plant. In doing so, she became part of a statewide movement for climate action and environmental justice that has grown remarkably in the past few years. 

Since 2019, Food & Water Watch has worked with incredible volunteers and allies to stop several other fossil fuel projects, including the Williams NESE Pipeline project and an NJ TRANSIT power plant.

To celebrate and build on this growth, Food & Water Watch hosted the first-ever New Jersey Climate Action Gathering this past April. The event brought together allies in environmental justice and labor organizing, as we work toward a shared goal: a just transition from dirty energy to a bright, clean future where no one gets left behind.

Almost 200 New Jerseyans attended the event, hosted at Rutgers University: organizers, academics, workers, students, and families. Together, we danced and played music; shared meals and stories. In workshops and discussions, attendees detailed their victories and strategies. Leaders from across the movement shared their knowledge and experiences from previous wins, while outlining what’s next for New Jersey and the major obstacles we face.

Afro-Cuban band Zona Oriente kicks off the gathering with live music and dancing.

“Designed to get people into action on several specific in-the-streets campaigns and legislative battles, the Gathering did so by first getting participants moving to lively music and dance instructions provided by local group Zona Oriente… It was fun, it was energizing, and it created a sense of unity and possibility in the standing-room-only crowd that filled the venue.”— Keith Voos, chair of NAACP Metuchen-Edison’s Environmental Justice Committee.

Environmental Justice and a Just Transition Are Key to Climate Action

With 50 organizations, local residents, and volunteers, our campaign against the CPV2 plant achieved victory in October 2023. “We created a unique, unstoppable grassroots movement,” said Lauren at the Climate Action Gathering; one that made clear “that the era for gas plant development in New Jersey is over.” Now, we’re building on this momentum to stop more dirty projects across the state.

In June 2023, Food & Water Watch joined allies to march and rally in Newark, calling on Governor Murphy to stop gas plants proposed in Newark and Kearny.

Many of these projects have been proposed for communities already overburdened with pollution, like the gas plant planned for Woodbridge. These environmental justice communities are often majority low-income or majority people-of-color, so that pollution builds on existing economic and racial injustices. 

We know that we need to end dirty energy like gas-fired power plants. But we also know there are workers who currently depend on these industries to make a living. That’s why a Just Transition to clean energy is so important.

We need to ensure that as we rapidly phase out fossil fuels, workers get the support they need to transition away, too. At the same time, growing clean energy industries must provide high-paying union jobs. 

As we say at Food & Water Watch, we’re building a livable future for all. And that means building a broad, diverse coalition of allies that lifts up environmental and economic justice. Unlike earlier environmental movements, Food & Water Watch and our allies are making sure that climate policy does right by workers, families, and frontline communities.

Moreover, we know that the only antidote to corporate greed and moneyed interests is people power. Politically, a wide coalition is absolutely necessary to fight these interests and build that livable future.

Esta energía limpia que el Gobernador Murphy ha hablado tanto no solamente sea para las grandes corporaciones y millonarios — sino que tambien la comunidad inmigrante pobre tenga acceso a esta energía limpia

The clean energy that Governor Murphy has talked about so much should not only be for the big corporations and millionaires — the immigrant and poor communities should have access to this clean energy.— Reynalda Cruz Perez, keynote panelist and organizer with New Labor

We’re Fighting False Climate Solutions That Threaten Environmental Injustice 

Dirty energy companies know that the movement against them is growing. So they’re creating new strategies to continue profiting from pollution, while claiming to benefit the planet. These include climate scams like carbon capture and storage, which aims to pull emissions from polluting facilities and “store” them underground.

These scams don’t actually fight climate change. Instead, they distract time and resources from the real solutions, like renewables and battery storage. Moreover, these scams are getting billions of dollars in taxpayer-funded support, lining corporations’ pockets. 

They also perpetuate environmental injustice by failing to cut pollution at the source. For instance, the carbon capture industry won’t help us end fracking or drilling; in fact, it encourages more fossil fuels, by claiming it can keep emissions out of the atmosphere. That means drilling, fracking, and fossil fuel-power will continue to pollute neighboring environmental justice communities.

“Historically, communities of color have been left behind in our country. Let’s not leave communities of color and low-income communities behind while we fight climate change.”— Dr. Nicky Sheats, keynote panelist and Director of Kean University’s Center for the Urban Environment

Right now, we’re seizing several opportunities in the state legislature to combat these scams and push for real solutions. 

For the past few years, we’ve worked to improve a Clean Energy Standard bill so it only supports real clean energy. We’ve also been fighting a “Dirty Gas Ripoff” bill that would subsidize mis-named “renewable natural gas” while raising folks’ energy bills. 

In November 2023, Food & Water Watch joined allies in Trenton to call for truly 100% real clean energy in New Jersey.

This year, we’re also facing down a bill that would create a “low carbon” fuel standard. While boosters claim it would clean up New Jersey’s transportation sector, it would only really prop up greenwashing scams like factory farm gas.

We’re Building an Inclusive, Intersectional, Irresistible Movement in New Jersey

The Climate Action Gathering didn’t only celebrate victories — we also surveyed the challenges we face and how we can work on them together. For many participants interested in climate action but unsure of where to start, the gathering was an entry point. Others were veteran activists looking to make new allies and connect with other groups. 

“This event brought people from many groups together, which is far too rare in New Jersey,” said participant Mark Lesko. “We need to work together.”

At the Gathering’s workshops, participants heard from activists working on different campaigns across the state. Students calling on Princeton and Rutgers to divest from fossil fuels; community organizers fighting power plants, a fracked gas pipeline, a highway expansion, and more. Participants strategized tactics and brainstormed solutions together. They made plans for next steps at future actions and celebrated each other’s wins.

“I think we need to employ a lot of imagination and reject this idea that in order for our causes to win, somebody else has to lose. That’s not true. We can build alliances, we can build solidarity as a coalition.”— Brooke Helmick, keynote panelist and Policy Director at the New Jersey Environmental Justice Alliance

Panelists speak at the workshop “Front line unity to stop fossil fuels and transform the extraction economy in New Jersey,” sharing their experiences from site fights for environmental justice around the state.

Any grassroots organizing, including climate activism, can be incredibly challenging and sometimes disheartening. The stakes are high and our opponents are powerful. But we’ve seen in New Jersey and across the country that progress is possible. And we know that we gain energy and power when we come together and learn from each other. 

“The all-day event was the most inspiring and, I believe, effective that I have attended in a lifetime of anti-war and social and environmental justice activism,” said Keith Voos, chair of NAACP Metuchen-Edison’s Environmental Justice Committee.

With events like this, we’re building the strategies, knowledge, and relationships we need to effect real change. As Food & Water Watch New Jersey Director Matt Smith put it,wwe’re building a movement that is “inclusive, intersectional, joyful, and irresistible.”

Watch the Event!

Check out the opening remarks of the NJ Climate Action Gathering and the keynote panel on “How We Organize to Win a Just Transition Off Fossil Fuels.”


Charlie Kratovil is the founder and editor of New Brunswick Today, and the winner of the Awbrey Award for Community-Oriented Local Journalism.

Mia DiFelice is a writer & editor with experience in publishing, design, research, and social media in environmental and nonprofit spaces.

Maine among 21 states joining Biden administration in bid to modernize nation’s aging grid / by Robert Zullo

An aerial view shows high voltage power lines on May 16, 2024, in West Palm Beach, Florida. Twenty-one states are joining a push by President Joe Biden’s administration to modernize the nation’s aging electric grid, which is under pressure from growing demand, a changing mix of power generation and severe weather. (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

Reposted from Maine Morning Star


Maine is among 21 states joining a push by the Biden administration to modernize America’s aging electric grid, which is under pressure from growing demand, a changing power generation mix that includes lots of wind and solar and severe weather.

The administration, which has set a goal of a carbon-free power sector by 2035, announced Tuesday that the states had joined what it called the “Federal-State Modern Grid Deployment Initiative,” which is intended to “help drive grid adaptation quickly and cost-effectively to meet the challenges and opportunities that the power sector faces.”

In exchange for federal technical and financial assistance opportunities, participating states will “prioritize efforts that support the adoption of modern grid solutions to expand grid capacity and build modern grid capabilities on both new and existing transmission and distribution lines.”

That means in part focusing on ways to get more out of existing transmission lines, since building new ones can take a decade or more in some cases.

“There are technologies we can use to optimize the current infrastructure we have,” said Verna Mandez, director of transmission at Advanced Energy United, a clean energy trade group.

Those include reconductoring existing lines to handle more juice as well as so-called grid-enhancing technologies, a suite of tools that include sensors, power-flow controls, software and hardware that can better deliver real-time weather data, among other technologies.

In many cases, those technologies have been adopted in other countries but uptake has lagged here, in part because utilities aren’t incentivized to adopt them and generally don’t face consequences as a result of grid congestion, which costs electric customers billions of dollars each year.

“Most transmission providers get more money when they build transmission projects,” Mandez said.

The White House said in a news release that adopting newer technologies “means that renewables and other clean sources of power can be integrated sooner and more cost-effectively than waiting for new transmission construction, which will address load growth challenges more rapidly, create good-paying jobs and lower Americans’ utility bills.”

The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission has also in several orders prodded utilities and grid operators to consider more use of grid-enhancing technologies.

And some states are taking action on their own. Virginia, which did not join the initiative announced Tuesday, passed legislation signed by GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin that requires utilities to consider grid-enhancing technologies in their planning. Last year, Montana passed legislation aimed at increasing use of advanced reconductoring. Minnesota’s legislature also voted this month to add grid-enhancing technologies to the state’s transmission planning process and require some utilities to evaluate the tools for highly congested lines.

‘More tools than ever’

To get a more reliable and cleaner electric grid, as well as accommodate electric demand that’s growing for the first time in more than a decade,  the U.S. needs lots of new transmission capacity, experts agree.

Last year, the U.S. Department of Energy found that almost all regions of the country would benefit from more transmission lines and a National Renewable Energy Laboratory study estimated that getting to 100% carbon-free electricity by 2035 could require anywhere from 1,400 to 10,100 miles of new high capacity transmission lines per year starting in 2026.

That’s why the Biden administration has been pushing hard to remove roadblocks to new transmission lines, which can take a decade or more to develop in some cases, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission published a landmark new rule on regional transmission planning and cost allocation. Last month the administration also announced a public-private partnership to upgrade 100,000 miles of transmission lines over the next five years and the Department of Energy has identified 10 potential “national interest” electric transmission corridors, a designation that would help expedite the projects and give developers access to federal financing.

“The power sector, which is responsible for a quarter of annual U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, now has more tools than ever – including unprecedented financial support, efficient permitting, and long-term regulatory certainty – to reduce pollution and upgrade the grid to support more factories, electric vehicles and other growing sources of electricity demand,” the White House said.

The states joining the effort are Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawai‘i, Illinois, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Washington, and Wisconsin.


Robert Zullo is a national energy reporter based in southern Illinois focusing on renewable power and the electric grid. Robert joined States Newsroom in 2018 as the founding editor of the Virginia Mercury.

As New York’s Offshore Wind Work Begins, an Environmental Justice Community Is Waiting to See the Benefits / by Nicholas Kusnetz

Work has begun to revitalize the South Brooklyn Marine Terminal in New York’s Sunset Park and turn it into one of the nation’s first ports dedicated to offshore wind development. Credit: Equinor

A labor agreement guarantees jobs for unions, but making sure Sunset Park residents are included remains a challenge

Reposted from Inside Climate News


On a pair of aging piers jutting into New York Harbor, contractors in hard hats and neon yellow safety vests have begun work on one of the region’s most anticipated industrial projects. Within a few years, this expanse of broken blacktop should be replaced by a smooth surface and covered with neat stacks of giant wind turbine blades and towers ready for assembly.

The site will be home to one of the nation’s first ports dedicated to supporting the growing offshore wind industry. It is the culmination of years of work by an unlikely alliance including community advocates, unions, oil companies and politicians, who hope the operations can help New York meet its climate goals while creating thousands of high-quality jobs and helping improve conditions in Sunset Park, a polluted neighborhood that is 40 percent Hispanic.

With construction finally underway, it seems that some of those hopes are coming true. Last month, Equinor, the Norwegian oil company that is building the port, signed an agreement with New York labor unions covering wages and conditions for what should be more than 1,000 construction jobs.

The Biden administration has been promoting offshore wind development as a key piece of its climate agenda, with a goal of reaching 30,000 megawatts of capacity by 2030, enough to power more than 10 million homes, according to the White House. New York has positioned itself as a leader, setting its own goal of 9,000 megawatts installed by 2035.

Officials at the state and federal levels have seized on the industry as a chance to create a new industrial supply chain and thousands of blue-collar, high-paying jobs. In 2021, New York lawmakers required all large renewable energy projects to pay workers prevailing wages and to meet other labor standards. The Biden administration has included similar requirements in some leases for offshore wind in federal waters to encourage developers to hire union labor.

While the last year has brought a series of setbacks to the offshore wind industry, including the cancellation of several projects off New Jersey and New York that faced rising interest rates and supply chain problems, many of the pieces for offshore wind are falling into place. New York’s first utility-scale project began delivering power in March, while two much larger efforts, including one that Equinor will build out of the new port, are moving toward construction. Together, they will bring the state about 20 percent of the way to its 2035 target.

Community leaders in Sunset Park have cheered these wins, but they say it remains unclear how many of these jobs will actually go to residents of the neighborhood, a working-class community where the port is being built. It was the promise of green industrial jobs that brought community activists together with Equinor and political leaders to rally behind a proposal to redevelop the South Brooklyn Marine Terminal.

Now, as work proceeds, the effort helps highlight how difficult and complicated it can be to pair the transition to green energy and job creation with environmental justice concerns, even when all the players pledge support to that goal.

“It’s a thing that often falls off the table,” said Alexa Avilés, who represents Sunset Park on the New York City Council, about the priorities of communities. She worries that efforts to hire locally might bring workers from other parts of New York City or state, “and then we, the local community, never see any direct benefit. We see all the workers coming in and our folks are unemployed.”

‘We Want Good Pay’

On a gray day in March about 100 union members, government and corporate officials gathered in a glass-walled meeting room overlooking Queens, in a training center run by the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. They were there to celebrate the signing of a project labor agreement between Equinor and local unions, versions of which will be required for similar projects up and down the East Coast.

Sen. Charles Schumer, the New York Democrat and majority leader, said it was the culmination of years of work, including the hard fought passage of an infrastructure law and then the Inflation Reduction Act, which ushered in renewable energy tax credits and financing, much of which is pegged to labor standards.

“New York can be the center of offshore wind in the whole country,” Schumer said. “But I said, ‘I’m not doing this unless labor is included and labor is protected.’ We don’t want to see low wage jobs with no pensions and no health benefits build this stuff. We want good pay. We want good benefits. We want good health care.”

Sen. Charles Schumer speaks to union members, government and corporate officials before the signing of a project labor agreement between Equinor and local unions. Credit: Equinor

The transition away from fossil fuels has brought uncertainty to workers in the energy sector. While the number of jobs in the renewable energy industry has been growing, wind and solar generation have lower unionization rates than coal or natural gas, according to the U.S. Department of Energy. Many people have expressed fears that building electric vehicles will require fewer workers than conventional cars, though there may be little data to support that concern. 

For labor leaders and many Democrats, offshore wind has been the counter to these fears. A report by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory estimated that a domestic offshore wind industry in line with the Biden administration’s goals could create as many as 49,000 jobs, and New York and other states have been enacting legislation aimed at encouraging the industry to create as many jobs as possible with high labor standards.

More than 400 miles up the coast, Kimberly Tobias successfully lobbied the state legislature in Maine, where she is completing an apprenticeship with the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, to require some of the same standards that New York had adopted in 2021. Tobias grew up about 15 miles from the town of Searsport, which Gov. Janet Mills recently selected as the site for Maine’s first offshore wind port. Tobias said the development will provide steady work that has been elusive in the renewable energy sector. 

“This is my 21st solar field in three years,” Tobias said, speaking via Zoom from a solar development where she was taking a break from installing panels. “The promise of being able to go to the same place for a project that’s projected to be five years, that’s a huge deal.”

Tobias said she hopes the offshore wind industry can help replace the jobs that Maine has lost from the decline of other industries like paper mills. 

In the opposite direction, workers have already leveled the ground for a large wind port in Salem County, New Jersey, that will have room not only for staging assembly of turbines but also for manufacturing their parts.

At the signing in Queens, Schumer said, “we always thought there ought to be three legs to the stool: environment, labor and helping poor communities that didn’t have much of a chance. And South Brooklyn Marine Terminal really met all three of the legs of the stool.”

But a more nuanced picture emerged the following week at a community board meeting in Sunset Park. There, several dozen people packed into a less glamorous room on the ground floor of a public library to hear a presentation by Equinor and its contractors about the project. Placards lining the walls advertised the benefits the project will provide the neighborhood and the state, and speakers pledged to create more than 1,000 jobs and to keep open communications with the community.

They would minimize truck traffic, they said, by coordinating deliveries and bringing in supplies by rail or barge when possible. A major elevated highway bisects Sunset Park, and two polluting “peaker” power plants line the waterfront, firing up on hot summer days when power demand soars.

A rendering of the South Brooklyn Marine Terminal offshore wind hub in Sunset Park. Credit: Equinor

They spoke about a learning center the company would build and about $5 million in grants that Equinor had given to city organizations, including funding workforce training and programming at a rooftop vegetable farm in Sunset Park.

But when it came time for questions, several community leaders echoed different versions of the same query: How many jobs will go to local residents? A confounding answer emerged.

A spokesperson for Skanska, the construction firm that was hired to build the port, said they were encouraging neighborhood residents to apply but that they need to hire through the unions. He said some small portion of jobs could be non-union, particularly those that would come as part of a commitment to hire businesses owned by minorities and women.

The union requirements, then, might actually get in the way of hiring residents of Sunset Park.

A couple of days before the community meeting, Elizabeth Yeampierre voiced these same concerns in an interview in her Sunset Park office, where she is executive director of UPROSE, an environmental justice advocacy group that supported bringing the wind port to the neighborhood.

“There’s entire categories of people that we’re concerned about,” Yeampierre said. “We’re concerned about people who don’t speak English, people who are undocumented, people who are coming out of the prison system, mothers, single mothers with children, how are we going to make sure that those people are brought in?”

Yeampierre remains supportive and excited about the wind port and what it can bring to the community. For years, UPROSE has fought to bring green industry to Sunset Park to help clean up the community and provide working class jobs that pay better than retail and other sectors.

UPROSE received one of the community grants from Equinor to fund a “just transition training center” that will help connect people in the neighborhood with training programs in different green industries. But Yeampierre said the city’s building trade unions also need to make an effort to expand their ranks.

“The truth is that if you want to hire people locally, and you want to make sure that historically marginalized communities get first dibs,” Yeampierre said, “then you need to create avenues for them to be able to go into these industries, and into this work. I don’t see that happening.”

Vincent Alvarez, president of the New York City Central Labor Council, a coalition of 300 unions, said his members were working with city agencies and officials to encourage local hiring in offshore wind. Many of those hires, he said, could be for administrative positions, security and warehouse jobs at the Brooklyn port, positions that will be less specialized than in construction.

An Equinor spokesperson said the project labor agreement signed with the unions includes a “local hire requirement that gives priority to union members who live in Sunset Park,” but did not say how many people that might apply to. Representatives of Equinor and Skanska have said that in addition to direct jobs, additional money will flow to the neighborhood in the form of indirect jobs, feeding the new workers, for example, or providing other supplies.

Avilés, the city councilmember, said she and other community leaders continue to support the unions.

“We will always fight for a unionized workforce, because we know how important union work is for strong working class communities. But we also know we have people that are going to be outside of that, who also need dignified work.”

Now, Avilés said, she and other community leaders will continue to press Equinor, the unions and city agencies to make sure as many jobs go to Sunset Park as possible.

“It’s annoying that the work is here upon us, and we’re still kind of asking the same questions” about what benefits will flow to the community, “but I don’t think that closes the opportunity.”

Work on the port is expected to last three years. And if the offshore wind industry expands as state leaders hope, there will be years of construction of new projects beyond that.


Nicholas Kusnetz is a reporter for Inside Climate News. Before joining ICN, he worked at the Center for Public Integrity and ProPublica. His work has won numerous awards, including from the Society of Environmental Journalists, the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Society of American Business Editors and Writers, and has appeared in more than a dozen publications, including The Washington Post, Businessweek, The Nation, Fast Company and The New York Times.

The Art of the Green New Deal / Benjamin Y. Fong

Workers clean solar panels at Huntington Central Park in Huntington Beach, California, on Thursday, July 14, 2022. (Jeff Gritchen / MediaNews Group/ Orange County Register via Getty Images)

Jobs to Move America is pioneering an innovative labor strategy that turns public investments in green infrastructure and manufacturing into opportunities for union organizing and better working conditions

Reposted from Jacobin


Princeton’s Net Zero America study lays out what it would take “to achieve an economy-wide target of net-zero emissions of greenhouse gases by 2050,” and it involves a lot of work: expanding the transmission grid between two and five times, retrofitting the steel industry for electric arc furnaces and hydrogen fuel, building 250 large nuclear reactors, and vast utility-scale solar and wind projects, among other things. The scale of industrial construction envisioned here is enormous. And even if only part of it comes to fruition, it would mean some degree of reshoring and reindustrialization, and the creation of hundreds of thousands of blue-collar jobs.

But what will this reindustrializing process look like for working people? Construction and manufacturing work is much more precarious than it used to be. And as historically favorable as goods production is to union growth, there are no guarantees that the return to industry will be a net positive for workers. One thing we do know, given the decades of stagnation and unwillingness by the private sector to invest in a green transition, is that governments will have to drive this process. This is no doubt a frightening prospect, given the government’s outsourcing of key capacities and general commitment to what economist Daniela Gabor has called the “Wall Street Consensus.” But if we’ve got a shot here, the state must play the key role.

The challenges of ensuring a just transition for workers as we reindustrialize and decarbonize the economy are daunting. But innovative organizers are showing us potential paths forward. One group that has been at the forefront of reimagining how government procurement can be leveraged to benefit workers is Jobs to Move America (JMA).

Just last week JMA announced an astounding win: six hundred workers at the New Flyer electric bus manufacturing factory in Anniston, Alabama, not only unionized with the International Union of Electronic, Electrical, Salaried, Machine, and Furniture Workers–Communications Workers of America (IUE-CWA), but they also just inked their first contract, which will raise employees’ pay between 25–38 percent by 2026. Three other New Flyer plants also did the same, leading to 1,200 new union members in total.

IUE-CWA’s path was eased by the work of JMA, which, by adding jobs standards to a Los Angeles County contract for electric bus procurement and then holding New Flyer to live up to them, pressured New Flyer’s parent group, NFI Group Inc., to agree to neutrality and card check unionization. The New Flyer victory is a model campaign for using state investment in the green transition to raise labor standards and empower workers.

Public Procurement

When government apparatuses run calls for proposals for state-issued contracts, the rules are typically straightforward: go with the lowest bid and offer the maximum in tax incentives. Given the size of these contracts, as well as the fact that the state is, in theory, acting in the public interest, changing these rules is a unique opportunity to improve working and community conditions on a large scale. Federal contractors alone employ about 22 percent of the American workforce, giving the government great power to enforce labor laws and raise labor standards through procurement policy.

According to Kasia Tarcynska of Good Jobs First, government spending has wide social implications:

Large development projects do not happen in a vacuum. They create opportunity costs and force us to ask questions such as: “What else could state and local governments have done with those dollars?” New developments also bring new residents — and taxpayer costs — to an area. They require more classrooms, teachers, firefighters, public safety officers, garbage haulers, and highway construction.

In recognition of the implications of wage and workplace violations committed by companies that receive federal contracts, tying procurement to labor standards and social equity has a long history in the United States. In 1840, President Martin Van Buren established a ten-hour working day for those working under government contracts. The Davis-Bacon Act of 1931 requires contractors to pay local prevailing wage rates on construction projects, and the Wagner-O’Day Act of 1938 created a “Committee on Purchases of Blind-Made Products” (expanded in 1971 to include products made by “other severely handicapped” people).

The primary source of federal regulation of employment discrimination in the postwar period was government contracts, and the Public Works Employment Act of 1977 stipulated that 10 percent of local works projects be for minority-owned businesses. In 2014, President Barack Obama issued the “Fair Pay and Safe Workplaces” executive order, which required federal contractors and subcontractors to demonstrate compliance with federal labor law. This order was revoked by President Donald Trump in 2017, but the implementation of similar policies in Europe has demonstrated the utility of such laws.

In recent years, government procurement has been of particular interest to climate activists, who likewise see state contracts as opportunities to address the growing threat of climate change. In 2010, Christian Parenti urged a new government procurement strategy that he called “the Big Green Buy”:

Consider this: altogether federal, state and local government constitute more than 38 percent of our GDP. Allow that to sink in for a moment. The federal government will spend $3.6 trillion this year. In more concrete terms, Uncle Sam owns or leases more than 430,000 buildings (mostly large office buildings) and 650,000 vehicles. The federal government is the world’s largest consumer of energy and vehicles, and the nation’s largest greenhouse gas emitter. Add state and local government activity, and all those numbers grow by about a third again. . . . A redirection of government purchasing would create massive markets for clean power, electric vehicles and efficient buildings, as well as for more sustainably produced furniture, paper, cleaning supplies, uniforms, food and services.

Increasingly, climate activists are tying their cause to that of labor. J. Mijin Cha and Lara Skinner of Cornell University’s The Worker Institute believe that it’s possible to combat “the worst effects of climate change, and do our part in reducing global emissions, while also fighting against growing economic inequality.” To do so, “strong job and training quality standards are needed” in all state procurement contracts: “Depending on the funding mechanism for the job creation programs, these standards include prevailing wage, state-approved apprenticeship job training requirements, project labor agreements, and best value contracting.”

Enter Jobs to Move America

JMA was founded in 2013 by Madeline Janis, previously the director of the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE). In the late ’90s, LAANE came to public attention after winning worker-retention and living-wage ordinances for jobs funded by the city of Los Angeles. It was in these campaigns that Janis and others saw the value in pushing better labor standards on public procurement processes and developed a model of “community benefits agreements” (legally enforceable agreements that can include provisions around local hiring and workforce diversity) that would come to be central in the work of JMA.

Working with an official at the US Department of Transportation, Janis developed a “high road” plan for public procurement of rail cars and buses. The plan graded bids not simply on their cost but also on the number of jobs bidders proposed creating, and the level of pay and benefits promised for workers. She called this the “US Employment Plan.” Coupled with the aforementioned community benefits agreements and agreements for card check unionization (where the company agrees to the formation of a union if a majority of workers at a particular facility sign cards indicating that they wish to be part of the union), this plan aims at nothing less than a complete overhaul of traditional state procurement.

JMA has won many major victories involving some combination of the US Employment Plan, community benefits agreements, and card check agreements, directly affecting more than four thousand jobs in manufacturing. These wins have included a $305 million contract with New Flyer Industries to build 550 clean-fuel buses, a $890 million contract with Kinkisharyo for 175 new light-rail cars, and a $1.4 billion contract with Kawasaki for 535 subway cars. In addition to winning more such victories in public transportation contracts, JMA is also looking to expand its work to apply to the manufacturing of offshore wind power component parts in New York. Theoretically, the model can be applied to just about anything involving state investment.

Sometimes companies make high-road bids in line with the US Employment Plan and agree to community benefits agreements and card check union recognition beforehand. Other times, JMA has to turn up the heat, as they did in partnering with the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) to file an environmental challenge to Kinkisharyo’s Palmdale plant, which outlined violations of state environmental law. Kinkisharyo was forced back into negotiations with JMA and the city of Los Angeles, and they agreed to card check and a community benefits agreement ensuring a diverse workforce.

The Kinkisharyo Palmdale facility, where JMA and IBEW won card check neutrality. (Jim E. Winburn)

JMA estimates that the $5.4 billion annually spent on bus and rail car purchases over the next decade could create 530,000 American manufacturing jobs, and not simply in urban, liberal areas. They are rather unique in the progressive labor world for focusing on manufacturing. Janis believes that “an economy can’t work well if the economy doesn’t make things. Manufacturing is the pillar of a healthy, successful, sustainable economy — and globalization shouldn’t change that. We needed to find a way to adapt to modern circumstances, to find a new way to revitalize manufacturing.” When asked about the tendency of progressives to focus on the existing post-industrial economy, JMA deputy director Miranda Nelson echoed Janis on the importance of a diversified economy:

I’m just not sure that an economy that’s only based on service and care work will really get us through. I think we need more jobs than that and a bigger variety of jobs. And when you think about all of these formerly industrial areas, losing manufacturing was really devastating. Some of them have managed to replace [manufacturing jobs] with care work, [but] it’s not the same thing. It doesn’t bring back the vital economies of those areas.

Traditionally manufacturing “creates” more jobs than any other industry, not only offering stable, high-wage employment in itself but also lifting up local economies and linked industries. Manufacturing is also far from gone in the United States, which “still excels in the advanced manufacturing of products like precision instruments and airplanes.” And that work is much more precarious than it used to be. Nelson continued:

There’s this perception around manufacturing that the jobs are all good ones, that they’re all unionized, and that we don’t need to worry about them. We should go and organize the service economy because we organized the factory economy a century ago, and now we’re good. And that really is not the case: right now, union density has declined drastically in manufacturing. And in a lot of these factories where we’ve been talking to workers, many are temps or long-term temporary workers. And it’s really dangerous work: we talk to people who regularly get injured, and they’re not making that much more than minimum wage. So we need to do the work to improve these jobs and give workers rights and the protection of a union.

Blue State Leverage for Red State Gains

The contemporary labor movement is strongest in states and municipalities that are solidly Democratic, and there is an increasing recognition that if labor is going to make a breakthrough in reversing the decades-long union-density decline, it must learn to win outside of its political strongholds, as the United Auto Workers recently did at the Volkswagen Chattanooga plant.

Unsurprisingly, JMA’s wins thus far have all happened in major liberal metropolitan areas, but the contracts they have affected have applied to companies with facilities outside of those areas, as is the case in the recent win at New Flyer in Alabama. This creates a somewhat unique opportunity to leverage conditions in states like California and New York to aid organizing drives in low-union-density states that are politically and legally hostile to unionization. Given the struggle unions have had in getting leverage in such right-to-work, low-density states, this is a significant innovation that enables unions to break out of their usual geographies and into core industries of the climate transition.

And thanks to recent changes in policy at the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) lobbied for by JMA, their work could soon scale in a way that it so far has not. Janis had hoped for twenty or more contracts including the US Employment Plan to have been won by now, but their work has gone quite slowly through the present. According to Nelson, individual negotiations are complex and difficult, requiring a lot of time and resources:

Each negotiation takes a lot. It’s both negotiations between the transit agencies and between the companies. It requires a lot of political will within government to want to do this. And there’s just a lot of bureaucratic inertia that has to be overcome if you’re not used to thinking about wages and benefits.

There is also a good deal of hesitation around the US Employment Plan, as state and municipal officials are simply unaccustomed to such a process:

A lot of these things are federally funded, and there’s hesitation on the part of state and local agencies to apply any standards toward federal funds because there’s a history of the federal government blocking those standards. Local hiring, in particular, is one that’s very clearly not allowed in federal rules. In general, there’s language in federal procurement standards that have said that you can’t do things that would restrict competition when you’re bidding. That is often read as: you should only get the lowest price.

For years, JMA has worked to get OMB to change their rules to much more explicitly allow for local and targeted hiring, and also to allow job quality to be taken into account in the bidding processes. Last month, OMB released its updated Uniform Grants Guidance, which enacted many of JMA’s recommendations, including returning decisions about local contracting criteria to state and local governments receiving federal funds, allowing for targeted and local hiring, and allowing recipients of federal funds to reward bidders for job quality metrics such as wages and benefits, among other ways by using the US Employment Plan. If these federal rule changes stick past the 2024 election, JMA’s work could quickly scale.

The Green Transition

If the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and other recent pieces of federal legislation are any indication, some combination of supply chain hawkishness and concern for climate change is going to lend procurement processes and state investment increasing importance for improving working standards in the years to come. The IRA, by encouraging domestic battery manufacturing, unleashed a rush of investment from automakers and battery material suppliers, potentially increasing manufacturing capacity in North America sevenfold. JMA’s work offers a useful blueprint for intervening in this manufacturing investment to improve labor standards, and it could also be applied to other sectors involved in the green transition — construction, transportation, agriculture, energy systems, etc.

The increasingly apparent need to address the climate crisis is rapidly changing the landscape of work in the United States, offering massive opportunities to improve working conditions and for the labor movement to add to its ranks. With innovations like the US Employment Plan and community benefits agreements, as well as by advocating for broad changes in rules around procurement at the federal level, JMA is helping to think through how best to take advantage of those opportunities.


This article includes research from the Center for Work & Democracy’s forthcoming report, “Beyond the NLRB: Contemporary Strategies and Practices for Labor Movement Renewal,” which will be released soon at cwd.asu.edu.


Benjamin Y. Fong is honors faculty fellow and associate director of the Center for Work & Democracy at Arizona State University. He is the author of Quick Fixes: Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge (Verso 2023).

State applies for $456 million federal grant to build wind port on Sears Island / by Stephen Singer

Image credit: LSJ Staff Graphic

Opponents who favor nearby Mack Point as the location for the terminal criticized the state, saying it is focusing the grant application on Sears Island before completing a study of both sites

Reposted from the Lewiston Sun Journal


The state has said that port construction costs would be about $500 million. A May 2 letter from Doug Norman, chair of the Searsport Select Board, to Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg asking for his “strong consideration” of the project, said the cost is $760 million.

The remaining money will be from other federal, state and private sector lease payments, he said.

Norman did not respond Friday to a request for comment about his letter. Merrill said the grant application includes funding for a semi-submersible barge that would be used to transport components.

“If there’s a funding opportunity, we want to be considered,” he said.

The announcement that the state is seeking the money to develop Sears Island, with only a reference to “assessments of environmental impacts and alternative sites,” prompted criticism from a group that opposes the siting of an offshore wind terminal there.

“My candid opinion is they have not been upfront with any of the people,” said Rolf Olsen, vice president of the board of Friends of Sears Island, which manages a portion of the island set aside for conservation.

David Italiaander, a board member of Friends of Sears Island, believes the state has never considered Mack Point.

“I would submit it was that way from the beginning,” he said Friday. “We knew it would be Sears Island and always would be Sears Island.”

ENVIRONMENTALISTS DIVIDED

Merrill said the state has concluded that the Sears Island parcel is the “most feasible port development site in terms of location, logistics, cost and environmental impact. The conclusion followed an extensive public stakeholder process led by the Department of Transportation and the Maine Port Authority to consider the state’s primary port development options, including possible sites in the ports of Searsport, Eastport and Portland, he said.

The Mills administration said it prefers Sears Island because the state owns the 100-acre site that would be used for the wind port and it offers deep water access. Unlike Mack Point, Sears Island would not have to be dredged to accommodate a port.

The project has divided environmentalists who support Maine’s foray into wind power to reduce greenhouse gas emissions but disagree on where to build a port to support the project. Several Republican lawmakers have spoken against wind energy and urged the state to not develop Sears Island.

Backers of the project say it will establish Maine in the offshore wind industry and “become a hub for job creation and economic development,” while helping to achieve state and federal renewable energy goals.

The port project is subject to “extensive and independent state and federal permitting processes,” including assessments of environmental impacts and alternative sites, the state Department of Transportation said.

The state will apply for permits later this year, providing opportunities for public comment. A decision on the grant is expected this year.


Stephen Singer writes about energy and utilities for the Press Herald. He began covering the arcane beat in 1999-2000 as a statehouse reporter for The Associated Press in Charleston, W.Va., as the Legislature — with many others in the U.S. — set about the task of deregulating energy. Singer picked up the beat for the AP in Hartford, Conn., expanding his reporting to cover the six New England states. A newcomer to Maine, he prefers blueberries to lobster.

A gust of hope in Searsport with promise of new jobs, economic boost from wind port / by AnnMarie Hilton

Sears Island in Searsport, the potential home of the new offshore wind port. (AnnMarie Hilton/Maine Morning Star)

Labor groups talk with residents, who’ve seen industries dry up and leave the midcoast, about opportunities in wind energy

Reposted from Maine Morning Star


ames Gillway remembers when chicken was king in his corner of the Penobscot Bay.

Chicken coops were scattered in yards all across Searsport — the town of 2,800 he has managed for almost 20 years — because of the processing plant just up the road in Belfast. 

For those who didn’t work with poultry, there were plenty of other jobs: Shoemaking, potato processing, even a sardine plant. But those industries and their career prospects for locals have since dried up. 

Now, if a family moves to the area, Gillway said they likely find jobs in retail or hospitality. The tourism industry is still strong, but nothing has filled the gap left by a paper mill in nearby Bucksport that closed in 2014 and took about 500 jobs with it. 

Although Gillway said the closure was “abrupt, but not unforeseen,” it left a hole yet to be filled. 

But now Searsport finds itself poised between a lackluster job market and becoming the epicenter of Maine’s budding offshore wind industry. More than 50 people gathered Tuesday evening at the Searsport Community Building to learn about the hundreds, maybe even one thousand jobs that could soon blow in. 

“This floating offshore wind gives an opportunity to have a new economic engine in the midcoast,” said Scott Cuddy, director of policy for the Maine Labor Climate Council and an electrician by trade who formerly served in the Maine House of Representatives for District 37. 

The event organized by the Maine Labor Climate Council was an opportunity for the community to learn about the jobs that could be generated through the construction of an offshore wind port in Searsport and the floating wind turbines that will be launched in the Gulf of Maine. In February, Gov. Janet Mills said the state would prefer to build it on Sears Island, a decision some have pushed back on saying they would prefer it be built on Mack Point rather than developing an uninhabited natural landscape. 

At Tuesday’s meeting, Gillway and union representatives discussed how offshore wind has the potential to bring good-paying jobs, workforce training opportunities and transformative economic development to Searsport and Waldo County.

 Scott Cuddy, director of policy for the Maine Labor Climate Council, speaks to Searsport residents about the possible job opportunities available with the new offshore wind port. (AnnMarie Hilton/ Maine Morning Star)

Nineteen-year-old Wesley Cowan, who was there with his brother and father, said he could see the vision. After the meeting, Cowan said he thinks the new industry could bring more life to a part of coastal Maine that can sometimes feel “dead.”

Cowan’s father, Daniel, lives in Belfast — although he said he wouldn’t be opposed to becoming a Searsport resident — and went back to school when he couldn’t find a job after he left the Navy in 2019. But he wasn’t just there for his own career potential. Daniel said his sons just finished their first year at the University of Maine, but school doesn’t seem to be the best path for them, so now they are looking for jobs. 

Wesley and his brother are a perfect example of the mindset shift union leaders hope to see happen: You don’t need to go to college to be successful. 

Instead, they want young people to know that there is a pathway through apprenticeships to good-paying jobs with healthcare and retirement benefits that doesn’t require you to accumulate student debt. Such blue collar or manufacturing jobs may not be as abundant as they once were in places like Searsport, but they are out there and there’s potential for even more through the creation of the offshore wind industry. 

“That can be transformative for a family to have fantastic healthcare benefits, to have excellent retirement options, to have a skill that’s going to pay you really well and give you the opportunity to help your family make it into the middle class,” said Sam Boss, apprenticeship, workforce and equity director for Maine AFL-CIO. “That’s not something that we have growing on trees in rural Maine.”

Cuddy couldn’t say exactly how many union jobs will be created and how many of them will continue beyond the construction of the port, but he said the turbines will need maintenance and there will be work to do, even after the port is built. 

Although deciding where exactly to build the port has been a point of contention for many people, the Maine Labor Climate Council is “agnostic” on the siting, Cuddy said. Either location in Searsport will bring jobs to the area. However, Cuddy testified in favor of a bill, LD 2266, that would allow Sears Island to remain an option — even though the port could potentially destroy a sand dune that formed on Sears Island after construction of a causeway and jetty — so long as all other permitting criteria are met. 

On Tuesday night, Cuddy defended the council’s neutral position despite his testimony. Without Sears Island, Mack Point is left as the only option; so if an issue arises during the evaluation process, the community could be left without the offshore wind industry and its benefits, Cuddy explained. 

Benefits to the community at large 

It’s not just individual families that stand to gain from offshore wind moving to the midcoast. 

Searsport’s schools and tax base could benefit from good-paying jobs acting as a magnet for families to the area. Gillway said the high school has capacity for 700 students, but there are fewer than 500 currently enrolled in the whole district. 

The actual benefits that could befall the community are yet to be determined. That will be worked out in a community benefits agreement that the town will create with whoever ends up developing the port. 

The new port could create a need for better local infrastructure, Gillway said, for example stronger fire protection or improved roadways. The benefits agreement will spell out how much of those types of costs will fall to the town versus the developer, and is a place to include any other incentives or agreements between the two entities. 

Aside from the possibility of improvements, the agreement also gives the town a say in preserving its character, Gillway said. The coastal New England community has an attractive downtown lined with old sea captains’ homes. Gillway said it has remained largely unchanged and preserved its history through the Penobscot Maritime Museum.

Hopeful for the future

Maine has committed to procuring three gigawatts of offshore wind — enough to power between 675,000 and 900,000 homes — by the end of 2040. Even though the state and federal permitting processes to reach that goal put these new jobs years down the road, union and town leaders are raising awareness now because state law already ensures strong labor standards for the jobs that come from the offshore wind industry. 

Grant Provost, business manager for Ironworkers Local 7, sketched out a loose timeline estimating that construction of the port would possibly start in 2026 or 2027. Cuddy said he would personally love the opportunity to do electrical work for offshore wind, but as someone later in his career, he knows the window is shrinking. Even if he doesn’t end up working on the turbines, Cuddy said he already thinks about talking to his 13-year-old son about it being a potential path for his future.

Thinking about Searsport 10 years from now brings a grin to Gillway’s face — a feeling he describes as “hopeful.” New jobs could be a boon, yes, but the town is already undergoing improvements with the building of a state-of-the-art wastewater treatment plant. The orange cones lining the main drag are evidence of the improved pedestrian safety that’s also on its way. 

“I hope that the area, the general area, flourishes,” Gillway said, looking to the future.

Searsport won’t be home to all of the 30,000 jobs — from electricians to lawyers — the state hopes will come from the clean energy industry, but even just a few hundred “would help the town a lot,” Gillway said. 


AnnMarie Hilton grew up in a suburb of Chicago and studied journalism at Northwestern University. Before coming to Maine, she covered education for newspapers in Wisconsin and Indiana.

World’s largest CO2 removal plant opens in Iceland / by Cristen Heminway Jaynes

Mammoth, the world’s largest direct air capture and storage plant, in Hellisheiði, Iceland. Climeworks

Reposted from Peoples World


Swiss company Climeworks has opened the biggest operational direct air capture (DAC) plant in the world to pull carbon dioxide from the atmosphere.

The Mammoth plant, located in Iceland, is nearly ten times bigger than Orca, its second-largest plant.

“Starting operations of our Mammoth plant is another proof point in Climeworks’ scale-up journey to megaton capacity by 2030 and gigaton by 2050,” said Jan Wurzbacher, Climeworks co-founder and co-CEO, in a press release from Climeworks.

The DAC process sucks carbon from the air and stores it, most often underground, where it can no longer contribute to global heating.

With global efforts to reduce fossil fuel emissions inadequate to prevent the worsening effects of climate change, United Nations scientists have estimated that carbon dioxide in the billions of tons will need to be removed to meet climate targets, reported Reuters.

Climeworks’ new DAC plant has an annual carbon capture capacity of 36,000 metric tons. The Mammoth plant, begun in 2022, will be completed by the end of this year.

The company’s first commercial DAC project was also in Iceland — the Orca plant — and has an annual capacity of 4,000 metric tons.

“Mammoth has successfully started to capture its first CO₂. Climeworks uses renewable energy to power its direct air capture process, which requires low-temperature heat like boiling water. The geothermal energy partner ON Power in Iceland provides the energy necessary for this process,” Climeworks said. “Once the CO₂ is released from the filters, storage partner Carbfix transports the CO₂ underground, where it reacts with basaltic rock through a natural process, which transforms into stone, and remains permanently stored.”

Critics of carbon capture technology argue that it uses an enormous amount of energy, is expensive and that focusing on the removal of carbon from the atmosphere could encourage companies to continue burning fossil fuels rather than lowering their emissions. Many critics also emphasize that its effectiveness has not been proven.

Speaking about carbon capture in general, Lili Fuhr, Center for International Environmental Law’s fossil economy program director, said the technology “is fraught with uncertainties and ecological risks,” as CNN reported.

The total carbon removal capacity on Earth can only remove roughly 0.01 million metric tons per year of the 70 million tons that would need to be removed by the end of the decade to meet worldwide climate goals, the International Energy Agency said.

Climeworks — which does not have ties to fossil fuel companies — said it is looking to lower the costs of DAC technology to $400 to $600 per ton by the end of the decade and $200 to $350 a ton by 2040, reported Reuters.

Development is currently in the works for megaton Climeworks hubs in the United States, the press release said.

This article was reposted from EcoWatch.


We hope you appreciated this article. At People’s World, we believe news and information should be free and accessible to all, but we need your help. Our journalism is free of corporate influence and paywalls because we are totally reader-supported. Only you, our readers and supporters, make this possible. If you enjoy reading People’s World and the stories we bring you, please support our work by donating or becoming a monthly sustainer today. Thank you!


Cristen Hemingway Jaynes covers the environment, climate change, oceans, the Arctic, animals, anthropology, astronomy, plastics pollution, and politics. She holds a JD and an Ocean & Coastal Law Certificate from the University of Oregon School of Law.

‘Capitalism won’t save the planet’ / by Simon Pirani

Creative Commons 4.0

Review of ‘The Price is Wrong: why capitalism won’t save the planet’ by Brett Christophers.

Reposted from the Ecologist


Wind and solar power projects, that for so long needed state backing, can now provide electricity to wholesale markets so cheaply that they will compete fossil fuels out of the park. It’s the beginning of the end for coal and gas. Right? No: completely wrong.

The fallacy that ‘market forces’ can achieve a transition away from fossil fuels is demolished in The Price is Wrong: Why Capitalism Won’t Save the Planet, a highly readable polemic by Brett Christophers.

Prices in wholesale electricity markets, on which economists and analysts focus, are not really the point, Christophers argues: profits are. That’s what companies who invest in electricity generation care about, and these can more easily be made with coal and gas.

Zeitgeist

Christophers also unpicks claims that renewables projects are subsidy-free. Even with renewably-produced electricity increasingly holding its own competitively in wholesale markets, it’s state support that counts: look at China, which is building new renewables faster than the rest of the world put together.

The obsession with wholesale electricity prices, and costs of production – to the exclusion of other economic factors – emerged in the 1980s and 90s as part of the neoliberal zeitgeist, Christophers explains.

The damage done by fossil fuels to the natural world, including climate change, was priced at zero; all that needed correcting, ran the dominant discourse, was to include the cost of this ‘externality’ in prices.

This narrative became paramount against the background of neoliberal reforms: electricity companies were broken up into parts, typically for generation, transmission, distribution and supply; private ownership and competition in markets became the norm.

But prices do not and can not reflect all the economic factors that drive corporate decision-making.

Smooth

The measure that has become standard, the Levelised Cost of Electricity (LCOE), is the average cost of a unit of electricity produced by different methods. But for renewables, 80 per cent-plus of this cost is upfront capital investment – and the fate of many renewables projects hinges on whether banks and other financial institutions are prepared to lend money to cover that cost. And on the rates at which they are prepared to lend.

The volatility of wholesale electricity markets does not help: project developers and bankers alike have to hedge against that. “We don’t like to absorb power price volatility”, one of the many financiers that Christophers interviewed for the book said. “We’ll take merchant price risk – right now we often don’t have a choice – but we’ll charge three times more for it. […] No bank in the world will take power price risk at low returns”.

Christophers writes in an exemplary, straightforward way about markets’ complexities. He details the hurdles any renewables project has to get over before it starts: as well as securing finance, it needs land and associated rights and licences, and – increasingly a problem in many countries including the UK – a timely connection to the electricity grid.

Corporate and financial decision-makers are concerned not so much with costs, compared to those of fossil fuel plants, as with “an acceptable rate of financial return”. Does the project meet or exceed that rate?

“The conventional transition model […] assumes an effortlessly smooth trade-off between fossil fuels and renewable electricity sources, just as stick-figure mainstream economics more widely assumes all manner of comparable smooth trade offs, not least between present and future goods.

“But real world processes of production and consumption involving real world businesses do not come even close to approximating to such smooth trade-offs.”

Revival

The clearest illustration of the argument that profit is the main driver of investment, not price, is the big oil companies’ behaviour.

Christophers writes: “[T]he returns ordinarily associated with wind and solar power are much lower than those to which fossil fuel companies are accustomed in their core businesses.”

He adds: “The big new hydrocarbon projects still being initiated by the international oil majors in the 2020s, in the face of widespread public fury and dismay, promise significantly higher rates of return – and, of course, on a significantly greater absolute scale – than renewables ever do.”

So tiny renewables businesses are used solely to greenwash the companies’ continuing investment in fossil fuel production. Shell, which in 2020-22 dabbled in slightly larger renewables investments, found that the rate of return for shareholders was the lowest of all its businesses.

“Chastened by Wall Street’s savage indictment of his company’s erstwhile turn – effectively – away from profit, [Shell chief executive Wael] Sawan spent the first half of 2023 pivoting Shell back to oil and gas. Hence the horrific spectacle of a significant revival in upstream exploration activity on the part of the European majors, with Shell to the fore. […] At the same time, Shell and its peers were busily scrapping projects (including in wind) with ‘projections of weak returns’.”

Investment

Despite all this, renewable electricity generation is expanding. Christophers forensically dissects the economics, showing that ‘market forces’ have played little or no part in this.

Many renewables projects only go ahead when they have signed long-term sales agreements (power purchase agreements or PPAs), that shelter sellers from choppy markets and provide good PR (“green” credentials) for buyers.

In many countries, PPAs with utility companies that provide electricity to households are being superceded by those with corporate buyers of electricity, and above all big tech firms that wolf down electricity for data centres and, increasingly, artificial intelligence.

And then there is state support – not only overt subsidies such as the tax credits offered by the US Inflation Reduction Act, but also schemes such as feed-in tariffs and contracts for difference, market instruments that shelter projects’ income from volatility.

China’s new megaprojects are “about as far from being market-led developments as is imaginable”, Christophers writes. So too are those in Vietnam, mammoths given the total size of the economy, that soared with a special feed-in tariff in 2020, and slumped to zero in 2021 when it was withdrawn.

“That investment plummets when meaningful support for renewables investment is substantially or wholly removed demonstrates precisely how significant that support in fact, and also just how marginal – or even downright unappealing – revenue and profitability prospects, in the absence of such support, actually are.”

Pretences

Christophers concludes that the state has to champion rapid decarbonisation, and “extensive public ownership of renewable energy assets appears the most viable model”. But this should not be done in a fool’s paradise, where it is presented as a means for taking profits from renewable electricity generators (what profits?!) and returning them to the public purse.

This is how the Labour Party is portraying its proposed state-owned renewable electricity generator, Great British Energy. Labour’s claims that GBE will benefit the state and taxpayers “betray a deep and perilous misunderstanding of the economics of renewable energy, and of the weak and uncertain profitability that actually plagues the sector”.

By way of contrast, Christophers points to the Build Public Renewables Act, passed by the US state of New York in 2021 in response to years of campaigning by climate action groups – which rests on the assumption that it is precisely the market’s failure to produce renewable energy projects on anything near to the timescale suggested by the climate emergency that necessitates state intervention.

All this prompts the question: don’t we need to challenge the whole idea of electricity being a commodity for sale, rather than a requirement of 21st-century living that should be provided as a public service?

Yes, we do, Christophers writes in his conclusions, with reference to Karl Polanyi’s idea of “fictitious commodities”, that under capitalism are bought and sold, but only in markets that are fashioned by “props, rules, regulations and norms”, and are therefore essentially pretences. The description fits the electricity markets ushered in by neoliberalism well.

Monopoly

The commodification of electricity, and other energy carriers, raises the prospect that, with a perspective of confronting and superceding capitalism, it should be decommodified.

Renewables technologies have opened up this issue anew, since they have hastened the trend away from centralised power stations and made it easier than ever for people – not only through the medium of the state but as households, community organisations or municipalities – to source electricity from the natural environment, without recourse to the corporations that control the market. How this potential can be torn from those corporations’ hands is a central issue.

The analysis by Christophers of the “props, rules, regulations and norms” used to bring renewables to neoliberal markets certainly convinced me. So too did his point that the returns from developing oil and gas, relatively higher historically, “are not ‘natural’ economic facts” either.

On the contrary, government economic support has always characterised the oil and gas business: in fact the line between state and business is often blurred.

In many countries they are “the selfsame entities, actively assembling monopolistic or oligopolistic constrol specifically in order to subdue volatility, stabilise profits and encourage investment”; indeed these “established institutional architectures of monopoly power” that scaffold oil and gas are a key distinction between it and renewables.

Corporate

We badly need a comparative analysis of state support for renewables and for fossil fuels – not just the bare numbers, which are available in many reports, but an understanding of the social dynamics that drive it, and that are deliberately obscured by oceans of greenwash manufactured by the political class everywhere.

Themes that Christophers touches on, such as governments’ failure to phase out fossil fuel plants, even as they make plans to expand renewables need to be developed. The appallingly slow progress of renewables and the weight of incumbency that favours fossil fuels can not be separated.

This understandable book, which brings dry capitalist realities to life so well – and is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand why the transition away from fossil fuels is so disastrously slow – raised some questions in my mind about electricity demand.

Take the steep increase in demand for renewably generated electricity from big tech. Amazon is the world’s biggest buyer of solar and wind power under corporate PPAs, and an even bigger promoter of its own “green” image. But its carbon footprint continues to grow, Christophers points out, especially that of its “energy-gorging cloud-computing Web services business”.

A big-tech-dominated fake energy transition? “It would be difficult to conceive of a more ironic statement on the warped political economy of contemporary green capitalism.”

Trashing

Which is reason to interrogate the way society uses electricity – and the way that capitalist social relations turn use – to fulfil needs, to make people’s lives good into demand – an economic category no less ideologically-inflected than other ‘market forces’.

Amazon and the rest are sharply increasing their electricity demand, which in the US and elsewhere has led to shutdowns of coal-fired power station being postponed – while hundreds of millions of people in the global south still have no electricity at all.

Furthermore: the “green transition” envisaged by most politicians will see the economic sectors in the global north that gulp down the greatest quantities of fossil fuels – road transport, the built environment, and industry – switching many processes to electricity. The classic example is the shift from petrol vehicles to electric vehicles. And this will increase electricity demand.

Christophers takes no view on these issues: “[R]ight or wrong, good or bad, electrification largely is what is happening and what will continue to happen”.

While I agree that, under capitalism, the dominant political forces take this for granted, I think that we should not. To stick with the example of road transport, none of the scenarios that assume swapping petrol vehicles one-for-one for electric vehicles can happen without trashing meaningful climate targets.

Catastrophic

The economic transformations that tackling climate change implies must include reshaping – for collective social benefit, and with a view to rapidly reducing emissions – the huge technological systems, like road transport, that account for the largest chunks of fossil fuel use. Simply electrifying them is not enough.

Moreover, with the current level of technology, including the prospects opened up by decentralised renewables, there is potential to establish completely new relationships between production and use – which are currently controlled by big capital, but need not be.

Hopes of energy conservation implied in the International Energy Agency’s latest net zero report “border on the Pollyannaish”, Christophers writes. Yes, granted – if the perspective is limited to one dominated by capital.

But insofar as it is possible to confront, confound and supercede capitalism, a future in which electricity is used less wastefully, more equitably, and within bounds set collectively with a view to avoiding catastrophic climate change, is surely plausible.

That is where hope lies – outside the matrix of profit-driven relationships that Christophers skewers so exquisitely.


Simon Pirani is honorary professor at the University of Durham and writes a blog at peoplenature.org.

“Just Energy Partnerships” Are Failing / by Sean Sweeney

Wind turbines operate next to an informal squatter camp on June 6, 2023, in Gouda, South Africa. (Per-Anders Pettersson / Getty Images)

The recent post-COP26 rollout of “just energy partnerships” to finance poor countries’ turn away from fossil fuels has been widely touted as a way for wealthy countries to fund the green transition. The only problem: they aren’t working.

Reposted from Jacobin


In the complicated world of “climate finance,” the Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) have been presented as the best thing since beluga caviar. The designers and advocates of the JETPs say that they represent a “new financing paradigm,” and “a template on how to support just transition around the world.”

It all started (ostensibly) at the United Nations (UN) climate talks (COP26) in Glasgow in November 2021, when the first JETP between rich countries (represented by “International Partners Group,” or IPG) and South Africa was unveiled. Six months later, in June 2022, G7 leaders stated that more JETPs were in the pipeline, involving Indonesia and Vietnam. In November 2022, Egypt joined the JETP group, and Senegal signed on in June 2023. JETPs involving Côte d’Ivoire, Colombia, India, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, Thailand, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and the Philippines are apparently under discussion.

In each instance, the goal of the JETP is to “mobilize” finance in the form of both concessional and commercial loans (explained below) to help Global South countries either move away from coal and/or accelerate the deployment of renewable energy in ways that are socially just. For some, the finance committed under the first JETPs — $8.5 billion to South Africa, $15.5 billion to Vietnam, and $20 billion to Indonesia — indicates that rich countries are, after years of vague promises, finally beginning to meet their obligation under the UN’s Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to “provide financial resources to assist developing country Parties in implementing the objectives of the UNFCCC.”

The fact that private financial interests have pledged to partner with governments on developing and implementing the JETPs has added political weight to the effort to present the JETPs as a model for financing the transition. At COP26, the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ), a coalition of 550 corporations worth $130 trillion, declared its readiness to assist the JETPs with financing and expertise as part of “the transformation of the global economy for net zero.”

Don’t Criticize It

JETPs have been generally well received by North-based environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), liberal policy groups, and some unions. In 2022, at COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, then International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) general secretary Sharan Burrow praised South Africa’s JETP deliberations as “a model that should be emulated everywhere” because unions had been given “a seat at the table.”9 The Overseas Development Institute stated, “There is currently no other mechanism which would unlock the scale of international [development] finance needed to retire South Africa’s multiple coal-fired power plants, reskill fossil fuel workers and support local economic development in coal mining regions.”

But support for JETPs, while frequently tentative and provisional, is misplaced, for several reasons.

First, while JETPs are expected to lead to an “accelerated decarbonization of large emissions-intensive middle-income countries,” they are unlikely to reduce coal use significantly. Global coal use is today at its highest point in history and is the largest single source of CO2 emissions. Reducing coal use would likely yield climate benefits, but the three main JETP countries — South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam — together account for just 4.3 percent of global annual coal consumption, whereas just two of the IPG countries, Germany and the United States, together account for 11.5 percent. If the rich countries really want to reduce global coal use, they should stop shipping it abroad. Australia exports 80 percent of its coal, mostly to India, Japan, and Korea. The United States, too, is a major exporter. In 2022, the United States exported about 80 million metric tons of coal — equal to about 14 percent of US coal production. The United States is ranked fourth-largest exporter behind Indonesia, Australia, and Russia.

Legitimize to Privatize

Second, the just transition dimension of the JETPs lacks substance. International labor had helped ensure that the principle of just transition was in the Paris Agreement, and in South Africa and Indonesia, unions and civil society groups were invited to participate in discussions on their implementation. However, a seat at the table could hardly stop the push toward energy privatization. In South Africa, for instance, in early February 2019, almost three years before the JETP was announced, President Cyril Ramaphosa declared that his government would “lead a process with labor, Eskom [the public electricity utility] and other stakeholders to work out the details of a just transition.” However, in the very same speech, Ramaphosa announced the breakup, or “unbundling,” of Eskom, “to raise funding for its various operations much easily [sic] from funders and the market.”

Aware that unbundling is normally step one in the process of World Bank–driven privatization, unions opposed the government’s decision, and continue to do so. The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) called for the cancelation of power purchase agreements with private wind and solar companies that, they said, were costing Eskom ZAR93 million (roughly $5.2 million) a day. South Africa’s labor movement has urged Ramaphosa to consider an alternative approach, one that allows Eskom to become a renewable energy producer.

But union objections were brushed aside. Keen to support Ramaphosa, the IPG made the $8.5 billion in the JETP, contingent upon the creation of “an enabling environment through policy reform of the electricity sector, such as unbundling [of the public utility, Eskom].”

In Indonesia, in a similar union-led battle against privatization, energy unions successfully appealed to the country’s Constitutional Court in 2016 to halt the expansion of privately owned electricity companies (independent power producers, or IPPs) in the country’s electricity sector. Unions argued that the expansion of the IPPs violated Article 33 of the country’s constitution, which ensured that energy and other vital services would remain controlled by the Indonesian state. The court agreed, but the government was not about to give up. A 2020 omnibus law endorsed the presence of private and cooperative energy producers alongside the state-owned power utility, PLN (Perusahaan Listrik Negara). The language in the law was innocuous enough, but the implications of the law were anything but.

Following the announcement of the IPG-GFANZ JETP deal with Indonesia, unions were invited to provide input. As with South Africa, the JETP itself was not on the table for discussion and neither was the push for energy privatization; rather, the labor movement was described as the “stakeholder” that “monitors and ensures that the JETP implementation abides by the principles of just transition.”

All Dressed Up

Athird reason for being skeptical about the JETPs concerns the actual status of financing. Despite the hype, financing for the first tranche of JETPs is still nowhere to be seen.

Several reports have attempted to explain this. One pointed to the “lack of follow through” from both IPG and “host countries” which “risks souring the spirit of cooperation.” The Financial Times cites “a lack of consistent support from multilateral development banks (MDBs) and the premature announcement of deals by political leaders before funding had been secured.”

It is therefore tempting to dismiss the JETPs as another sign of rich-country indifference and stinginess. Alternatively, a Brookings Institute paper describes it as “forces within both labor and business who are attached to the old carbon economy.” Either way, JETPs have been all dressed up but, in the end, might have nowhere to go.

In the Blender

But neither of these explanations fully account for what is happening (or not) with the JETPs. For this, a deeper analysis of climate finance is required.

Under the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities” adopted in the early 1990s negotiations around the UNFCCC, rich countries accepted “the urgent need to enhance the provision of finance, technology and capacity-building support” from the North to the developing South. This clear obligation was subsequently reworded, although not officially. Instead of providing finance, rich countries began to talk about providing access to finance — which is a different proposition altogether. This not-so-subtle shift became visible in late 2009 at COP15 in Copenhagen, when US secretary of state Hillary Clinton announced that rich countries were going to jointly “mobilize” $100 billion a year by 2020 from “a wide variety of sources, public and private.” In other words, rich countries did not want climate finance to become an extension of “overseas development assistance” (with a heavy emphasis on grants); they wanted it to take the form of loans.

By the time the Paris Agreement was adopted in 2015, it was clear that climate finance flowing from North to South was so minimal that it was becoming a diplomatic embarrassment for the rich countries. The World Bank pivoted toward using development loans to spur additional private investment — so-called blended finance — to reach both climate and sustainable development goals. Billions of dollars of development finance would, the Bank believed, “unlock” trillions of dollars from private investors.

Crunched by Numbers

It is this “billions to trillions” blended finance model that lies at the heart of the JETPs. It mixes commercial loans (issued at market rate), “concessional” financing, and grants. Concessional loans offer below-market interest rates, and sometimes grace periods where the borrower is not required to make debt payments for several years — a form of “JETP discount.” Mix these two forms of financing together and, voilà — stand by for the great unlocking of private investment. The local elites in South Africa and Indonesia believe in this model and have embraced the JETPs with as much enthusiasm as the rich countries.

But at COP26 in Glasgow, six years after Billons to Trillions was launched, a UN-commissioned study revealed that the flow of money was considerably below $100 billion per year and — revealingly — for every $4 committed by development banks, less than $1 was added by the private investors.31

In 2021, the International Energy Agency (IEA) calculated that “emerging and developing economies” (EMDEs) account for “two-thirds of the world’s population but only one-fifth of investment in clean energy” due to “persistent challenges in mobilizing finance.” But these “persistent challenges” boil down to one thing: not enough profit. In the words of one analyst, “For any private sector actor, the investment climate is critical. . . . Often, as we know, in low-income countries the risk profiles versus the returns just aren’t there.”

This explains why the JETPs are languishing. From the perspective of private investors, on a project-by-project basis, the levels of profit must be comparable to returns on investments that they make in the Global North. Why incur more project risk when there are less risky investment opportunities in the rich countries?

The World Bank, and now the IPG and GFANZ, hope that concessional loans might make clean energy projects more “bankable,” but the evidence suggests that the gap between profit levels in the North and those in the South is frequently far too wide. In other words, the “enabling environment” is unlikely be enabling enough. This likely explains why the MDBs have also been reluctant to turn pledges into cash, because without the private sector stepping up, the MDBs know that already indebted developing countries will struggle to carry the financial burden of the transition on their own balance sheets.

Catalyze How?

As originally conceived, climate finance was intended to help settle the North’s ecological debt to the South, not add more financial debt to their balance sheets. In Indonesia’s case, roughly 20 percent of the $20 billion financing is expected to take the form of commercial loans and around 70 percent in concessional loans. But even cheap loans must be paid back, with interest. Commenting on the JETP with Indonesia at COP28 in Dubai, Jakarta-based Tiza Mafira from the Climate Policy Initiative (CPI) noted, “Concessional loans will need to be channeled via MDBs, and MDBs will require sovereign guarantees, and so Indonesia may have to set aside $8.4 billion in sovereign guarantees in order to access those concessional loans [in the JETP].”

However, in South Africa’s case, no less than 80 percent of the proposed JETP finance will take the form of commercial loans, thus imposing considerably more debt on a country whose government is pursuing a full-on austerity agenda when the unemployment rate, in February 2024, stood above 32 percent. Vietnam fares little better. Close to 70 percent of IPG financing is in the form of commercial loans, and concessional loans account for less than a quarter of the IPG package.

Faced with these realities, it is wrong to blame (as some progressives do) developing country governments for the fact that the JETPs are currently in trouble. Any policy that requires developing countries to incur more debt is not “just,” especially when the result is intended to produce a “global public good” in the form of lower emissions. If reducing coal use is indeed a global public good, then why must South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam be financially responsible for its delivery?

But the crisis of climate finance — whether blended or not — has global implications. As the prophet of “green growth” Lord Nicholas Stern and his cothinkers highlighted in a 2022 study, Secretary Clinton’s $100 billion per year finance target was negotiated by politicians and diplomats; “it was not deduced from analyses of what is necessary.” In other words, a lot more money will need to be “unlocked” if energy transition targets are going to be reached. The study pointed out that “developing countries other than China will need to spend around $1 trillion per year by 2025 (4.1 percent of gross domestic product [GDP] compared with 2.2 percent in 2019) and around $2.4 trillion per year by 2030 (6.5 percent of GDP).” Furthermore, “Around half of the required the financing can be reasonably expected to come from local sources” but “around $1 trillion per year of external finance will be required by 2030 to meet the scale of the investment needs.”

The trillion-dollar question, therefore, is this: If blended finance has until now not been able to mobilize private investment in the Global South, how can it be expected to do better in the future?

Hosting Debt, Surrendering Sovereignty

This brings us to the issue of privatization and the “conditionalities” associated with the JETPs.

One of the misconceptions that have accompanied the JETPs is the idea that the money from the rich countries is, as it were, on the table, and that host countries would be foolish not to use it to accelerate their respective energy transitions. But the JETP agreements are clear: host countries must first develop an investment and implementation plan before the finance, which is based on donor pledges, can be accessed.

South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam have already complied with this IPG requirement, and the contents of each of the implementation plans are revealing. First, in each case, JETP financing amounts to a fraction of what’s needed. According to the respective plans, South Africa will, by 2030, need $65 billion in investment for the power sector alone. In the case of Indonesia, “approximately $97.1 billion of cumulative power sector investments are required by 2030 under the JETP scenario.” Vietnam’s plan estimates that the country will require $134.7 billion from domestic and international sources by 2030.

Second, host country elites, contrary to the evidence, seem to believe that JETP financing can “catalyze” private sector investment. According to Daniel Mminele, head of the Presidential Climate Finance Task Team, the JETP package “is insufficient to fund our [South Africa’s] transition” but JETP dollars will be “dwarfed by what is available in the private capital markets — we need to develop mechanisms to mobilize these forms of finance to invest in South Africa’s just transition.”

But what are the “mechanisms” (beyond prayer) that will allow $8.5 billion in mostly commercial loans to “unlock” more than ten times that amount to cover the costs of the transition to 2030? Similarly, Indonesia’s implementation plan sees the US$20 billion JETP as “an important catalyst.” But how will $20 billion in loans “crowd in” almost five times as much investment?

Third, the IPG-GFANZ axis has made it clear that access to JETP finance is contingent upon the host country being able to create an “enabling environment for the private sector,” and pursue a “policy reform strategy in both the energy and financial sectors to catalyze investment” in a “market-driven manner.” As noted above, in South Africa’s case, the JETP agreement calls for the unbundling of the public utility (Eskom) — a clear precursor to privatization. But similar language is used in the agreements with Indonesia and Vietnam. Getting in on the act, the GFANZ group sees private sector finance as contingent on “continued policy reform” and “a robust pipeline of competitively tendered projects.” Then, and only then, will the $7.75 billion become real. Rather than being a “game changer,” the JETPs extend the existing climate financing game deep into overtime.

It is therefore unfortunate that progressive opinion has been critical of unions for opposing the JETPs. For example, Adam Tooze turned on the South Africa’s NUM for not thinking of the greater good. The union, wrote Tooze,

represents 50,000 workers with a strong voice and a stranglehold on the existing, derelict system. There are 2.5 million people living in communities closely tied to coal mining. But South Africa is a nation of almost 60 million desperate for [electrical] power. Renewables are the cheap future.

JETP financing invites poor countries to borrow money to finance an energy transition and thus incur more debt than they would have if they had done nothing at all. Meanwhile, the MDBs, private investors, and rich country governments are making financing contingent on poor countries creating an “enabling environment” for the private sector, including commitments to privatize their energy systems. But what if the enabling environment isn’t enabling enough? What happens if, as seems likely, the private sector does not show up?

These questions have yet to be answered because there are simply no convincing answers available. The evidence strongly suggests that the JETPs will not pass the “mobilize” test; they will not “catalyze” anything significant. The sad story of climate finance — blended or not — will continue. For developing countries, the risks to both energy sovereignty and energy security are considerable. For the world, the risks may be even greater.

This article was first published in the Spring 2024 issue of New Labor Forum, a journal from the Murphy Institute at the City University of New York’s School of Labor and Urban Studies.


Sean Sweeney is the director of the International Program on Labor, Climate & Environment at the School of Labor and Urban Studies, City University of New York. He also coordinates Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (TUED) a global network of 64 unions from 22 countries. TUED advocates for democratic control and social ownership of energy resources, infrastructure, and options.

U.S. experienced staggering growth in solar and wind power over the last decade / by Syris Valentine

energy.gov

Reposted from People’s World


When you live far from the sprawling fields befitting utility-scale solar and wind farms, it’s easy to feel like clean energy isn’t coming online fast enough. But renewables have grown at a staggering rate since 2014 and now account for 22 percent of the nation’s electricity. Solar alone has grown an impressive eightfold in 10 years.

The sun and the wind have been the country’s fastest growing sources of energy over the past decade, according to a report released by the nonprofit Climate Central on Wednesday. Meanwhile, coal power has declined sharply, and the use of methane to generate electricity has all but leveled off. With the Inflation Reduction Act poised to kick that growth curve higher with expanded tax credits for manufacturing and installing photovoltaic panels and wind turbines, the most optimistic projections suggest that the country is getting ever closer to achieving its 2030 and 2035 clean energy goals.

“I think the rate at which renewables have been able to grow is just something that most people don’t recognize,” said Amanda Levin, director of policy analysis at the Natural Resources Defense Council, who was not involved in preparing the report.

In the decade analyzed by Climate Central, solar went from generating less than half a percent of the nation’s electricity to producing nearly 4 percent. In that same period, wind grew from 4 percent to roughly 10. Once hydropower, geothermal, and biomass are accounted for, nearly a quarter of the nation’s grid was powered by renewable electricity in 2023, with the share only expected to rise thanks to the continued surge in solar.

The vast majority of the nation’s solar capacity comes from utility-scale installations with at least one megawatt of capacity (enough to power over a hundred homes, according to the Solar Energy Industries Association). But panels installed on rooftops, parking lots, and other comparatively small sites contributed a combined 48,000 megawatts across the country.

“One thing that surprised a lot of different people who’ve read the report in our office was the strength of small-scale solar,” said Jen Brady, the lead analyst on the Climate Central report.

With residential and other small arrays accounting for 34 percent of the nation’s available capacity, “it lets you know that maybe you could do something in your community, in your home that can help contribute to it,” Brady said.

Still, the buildout of utility-scale solar farms continues to set the pace for how rapidly renewable energy can feed the country’s grid. According to Sam Ricketts, a clean energy consultant and former climate policy advisor to Washington Governor Jay Inslee, solar’s growth was driven by production and investment tax credits that President Barack Obama extended in 2015 and President Joe Biden expanded through the Inflation Reduction Act or IRA. Beyond these federal incentives that allow energy developers to claim tax credits equivalent to 30 percent of the installation cost of renewables, state policies that proactively drive clean energy or promote a competitive market in which the dwindling price of renewables allows them to outshine fossil fuels have been critical to ratcheting up growth. Yet, even with the accelerating expansion seen in the last decade, more investments and incentives are needed.

“As rapid as that growth has been, how do we make it all go that much faster?” Ricketts asked. “Because we need to be building renewables and electricity at about three times the speed that we have been over the last few years.”

Achieving that rate of buildout is critical for achieving two of President Biden’s climate goals: cutting emissions economy-wide by at least half by 2030 and achieving 100 percent carbon-free electricity by 2035.

To realize those goals, the nation must reach 80 percent clean energy by 2030. “I dare say it’s even more important, for the time being than 100 percent clean by 2035,” Ricketts said. Hitting that benchmark, he said, will require more federal and state policy pushes. Levin agrees.

“The IRA does a lot,” she said, “but it is not likely to do everything.”

The IRA has the ability to push renewable energy from roughly 40 percent of the nation’s energy mix, when nuclear is included, to more than 60 percent — or, in the most optimistic of scenarios, 77 percent.

But for the growth in capacity to be integrated into the system and utilized, the grid needs to be able to transmit electrons from far-off solar fields and wind farms to the places where they’re needed. While the transmission conversation most often revolves around building new lines and transmission towers, Levin notes that recent technological advances have made it possible to address half of these transmission needs simply by stringing new, advanced power lines on existing infrastructure that can handle bigger loads with fewer losses, in a process called “reconductoring.”

The other challenge that comes with building out clean energy is learning how to handle the way wind speeds and sunshine fluctuate. While this is often levied as an argument against their reliability, Levin points out that a host of solutions exist — from expanding battery storage to adjusting loads when demand spikes — to ensure they’re reliable. The challenge is adopting them.

“Utilities are risk averse,” she said, “and their commissions can also be risk averse. And so it’s getting them to be comfortable with thinking about the way that they provide electricity and the way that they manage their system a little differently.”

This article was reposted from Grist.org.


Syris Valentine is an essayist, journalist, and fiction writer focused on illuminating solutions in a time of crisis. Through freelance reporting and independent writing for Just Progress, their blog and newsletter, Syris explores concurrent crises of ecology and economy we’re living through. They use their writing as a means to share the questions (and occasional answers) they encounter through their exploration.

Cuba Prepares for Disaster / by Don Fitz

Cienfuegos, Cuba. Photograph Source: Alistair Kitchen – CC BY 2.0

The September 2021 Scientific American included a description by the editors of the deplorable state of disaster relief in the US.  They traced the root cause of problems with relief programs as their “focus on restoring private property,” which results in little attention to those “with the least capacity to deal with disasters.”  The book Disaster Preparedness and Climate Change in Cuba: Adaptation and Management (2021) came out the next month. It traced the highly successful source of the island nation’s efforts to the way it put human welfare above property.  This collection of 14 essays by Emily J. Kirk, Isabel Story, and Anna Clayfield is an extraordinary assemblage of articles, each addressing specific issues.

Writers are well aware that Cuban approaches are adapted to the unique geography and history of the island.  What readers should take away is not so much the specific actions of Cuba as its method of studying a wide array of approaches and actually putting the best into effect (as opposed to merely talking about their strengths and weaknesses).  The book traces Cuba’s preparedness from the threat of a US invasion following its revolution through its resistance to hurricanes and diseases, which all laid the foundation for current adaptions to climate change.

Only four years after the revolution, in 1963, Hurricane Flora hit the Caribbean, killing 7000-8000.  Cubans who are old enough remember homes being washed away by waters carrying rotten food, animal carcasses and human bodies.  It sparked a complete redesign of health systems, intensifying their integration from the highest decision-making bodies to local health centers.  Construction standards were strengthened, requiring houses to have reinforced concrete and metal roofs to resist strong winds.

Decades of re-designing proved successful.  In September 2017 Category 5 Hurricane Maria pounded Puerto Rico, leading to 2975 deaths.  The same month, Irma, also a Category 5 Hurricane, arrived in Cuba, causing 10 deaths.  The dedication to actually preparing the country for a hurricane (as opposed to merely talking about preparedness) became a model for coping with climate change.  Projecting potential future damage led Cubans to to realize that by 2050, rising water levels could destroy 122 coastal towns.  By 2017, Cuba had become the only country with a government-led plan (Project Life, or Tarea Vida) to combat climate change which includes a 100 year projection.

Disaster Planning

Several aspects merged to form the core of Cuban disaster planning.  They included education, the military, and social relationships.  During 1961, Cuba’s signature campaign raised literacy to 96%, one of the world’s highest rates.  This has been central to every aspect of disaster preparation – government officials and educators travel throughout the island, explaining consequences of inaction and everyone’s role in avoiding catastrophe.

Less obvious is the critical role of the military.  From the first days they took power, leaders such as Fidel and Che explained that the only way the revolution could defend itself from overwhelming US force would be to become a “nation in arms.”  Soon self-defense from hurricanes combined with self-defense from attack and Cuban armed forces became a permanent part of fighting natural disasters.  By 1980, exercises called Bastión (bulwark) fused natural disaster management with defense rehearsals.

As many as 4 million Cubans (in a population of 11 million) were involved in activities to practice and carry out food production, disease control, sanitation and safeguarding medical supplies.  A culture based on understanding the need to create a new society has glued these actions together.  When a policy change is introduced, government representatives go to each community, including the most remote rural ones, to make sure that everyone knows the threats that climate change poses to their lives and how they can alter behaviors to minimize them.  Developing a sense of responsibility for ecosystems includes such diverse actions as conserving energy, saving water, preventing fires and using medical products sparingly.

Contradictions

One aspect of the book may confuse readers.  Some authors refer to the Cuban disaster prevention system as “centralized;” others refer to it as “decentralized;” and some describe it as both “centralized” and “decentralized” on different pages of their essay.  The collection reflects a methodology of “dialectical materialism” which often employs the unity of opposite processes (“heads” and “tails” are opposite static states united in the concept of “coin”).  As multiple authors have explained, including Ross Danielson in his classic Cuban Medicine (1979), centralization and decentralization of medicine have gone hand-in-hand since the earliest days of the revolution.  This may appear as centralization of inpatient care and decentralization of outpatient care (p. 165) but more often as centralization at the highest level of norms and decentralization of ways to implement care to the local level.  The decision to create doctor-nurse offices was made by the ministry which provided guidelines for each area to implement according to local conditions.

A national plan for coping with Covid-19 was developed before the first Cuban died of the affliction and each area designed ways to to get needed medicines, vaccines and other necessities to their communities.  Proposals for preventing water salinization in coastal areas will be very different from schemas for coping with rises in temperature in inland communities.

Challenges for Producing Energy: The Good

As non-stop use of fossil fuels renders the continued existence of humanity questionable, the issue of how to obtain energy rationally looms as a core problem of the twenty-first century.  Disaster Preparedness explores an intriguing variety of energy sources.  Some of them are outstandingly good; a few are bad; and, many provoke closer examination.

Raúl Castro proposed in 1980 that it was necessary to protect the countryside from impacts of nickel mining.  What was critical in this early approach was an understanding that every type of metal extraction has negatives that must be weighed against its usefulness in order to minimize those negatives.  What did not appear in his approach was making a virtue of necessity, which would have read “Cuba needs nickel for trade; therefore, extracting Cuban nickel is good; and, thus, problems with producing nickel should be ignored or trivialized.”

In 1991, when the USSR collapsed and Cuba lost its subsidies and many of its trading partners, its economy was devastated, adult males lost an average of 20 pounds, and health problems became widespread.  This was Cuba’s “Special Period.”  Not having oil meant that Cuba had to abandon machine-intensive agriculture for agroecology and urban farming.

Laws prohibited use of agrochemicals in urban gardens.  Vegetable and herb production exploded from 4000 tons in 1994 to over 4 million tons by 2006.  By 2019, Jason Hickel’s Sustainable Development Index rated Cuba’s ecological efficiency as the best in the world.

By far the most important part of Cuba’s energy program was using less energy via conservation, an idea abandoned by Western “environmentalists” who began endorsing unlimited expansion of energy produced by “alternative” sources.  In 2005, Fidel began pushing conservation policies projected to reduce Cuba’s energy consumption by two-thirds.  Ideas such these had blossomed during the first few years of the revolution.

What one author refers to as “bioclimatic architecture” is not clear, but it could include tile vaulting, which was studied extensively by the Cuban government in the early 1960s.  It is based on arched ceilings formed by lightweight terra cotta tiles.  The technique is low-carbon because it does not require expensive machinery and uses mainly local material such as terra cotta tiles from Camagüey province.  Though used to construct buildings throughout the island, it was abandoned due to its need for skilled and specialized labor.

Challenges for Producing Energy: The Bad

Though there are negative aspects to Cuba’s energy perspectives, it is important to consider one which is anything but negative: energy efficiency (EE).  Ever since Stanley Jevons predicted in 1865 that a more efficient steam engine design would result in more (not less) coal being used, it has been widely understood that if the price of energy (such as burning coal) is cheaper, then people will use more energy.

A considerable amount of research verifies that, at the level of the entire economy, efficiency makes energy cheaper and its use goes up.  Some claim that if an individual uses a more EE option, then that person will use less energy.  But that is not necessarily so.  Someone buying a car might look for one that is more EE.  If the person replaces a non-EE sedan with an EE SUV, the fact that SUVs use more energy than sedans would mean that the person is using more energy to get around. Similarly, rich people use money saved from EE devices to buy more gadgets while poor people might not buy anything additional or buy low-energy necessities.

This is why Cuba, a poor country with a planned economy, can design policies to reduce energy use.  Whatever is saved from EE can lead to less or low-energy production, resulting in a spiraling down of energy usage.  In contrast, competition drives capitalist economies toward investing funds saved from EE toward economic expansion, resulting in perpetual growth.

Though a planned economy allows for decisions that are healthier for people and ecosystems, bad choices can be made.  One consideration in Cuba is the goal to “efficiently apply pesticides” (p. 171).  The focus should actually be on how to farm without pesticides.  Also under consideration is “solid waste energy capacities,” which is typically a euphemism for burning waste in incinerators.  Incinerators are a terrible way to produce energy since they merely reduce the volume of trash to 10% of its original size while releasing poisonous gases, heavy metals (such as mercury and lead), and cancer-causing dioxins and furans.

The worst energy alternative was favored by Fidel, who supported a nuclear power plant which would supposedly “greatly reduce the cost of producing electricity.” (p. 187)  Had the Soviets built a Chernobyl-type nuclear reactor, an explosion or two would not have contributed to disaster prevention.  Once when I was discussing the suffering following the USSR collapse with a friend who writes technical documents for the Cuban government, he suddenly blurted out, “The only good thing coming out of the Special Period was that, without the Soviets, Fidel could not build his damned nuclear plant!”

Challenges for Producing Energy: The Uncertain

Between the poles of positive and negative lies a vast array of alternatives mentioned in Disaster Preparedness that most are unfamiliar with.  There are probably few who know of bagasse, which is left over sugar cane stalks that have been squeezed for juice.  Burning it for fuel might arouse concern because it is not plowed into soil like what should be done for wheat stems and corn stalks.  Sugar cane is different because the entire plant is hauled away – it would waste fuel to transport it to squeezing machinery and then haul it back to the farm.

While fuel from bagasse is an overall environmental plus, the same cannot be said for oilseeds such as Jatropha curcas.  Despite the book suggesting the they might be researched more, they are a dead end for energy production.

Another energy positive being expanded in Cuba is farms being run entirely on agroecology principles.  The book claims that such farms can produce 12 times the energy they consume, which might seem like a lot.  Yet, similar findings occur in other countries, notably Sweden.  In contrast, at least one author holds out hope of obtaining energy from microalgae, almost certainly another dead end.

Potentially, a very promising source for energy is the use of biogas from biodigesters.  Biodigesters break down manure and other biomass to create biogas which is used for tractors or transportation.  Leftover solid waste material can be used as a (non-fossil fuel) fertilizer.  On the other hand, an energy source which one author lists as viable is highly dubious: “solar cells built with gallum arsenide.”  Compounds with arsenic are cancer-causing and not healthy for humans and other living species.

The word “biomass” is highly charged because it is one of Europe’s “clean, green” energy sources despite the fact that burning wood pellets is leading to deforestation in Estonia and the US.  This does not seem to be the case in Cuba, where “biomass” refers to sawdust and weedy marabú trees.  It remains important to distinguish positive biomass from highly destructive biomass.

Many other forms of alternative energy could be covered and there is a critical point applying to all of them.  Each source of energy must be analyzed separately without ever assuming that if energy does not come from fossil fuels it is therefore useful and safe.

Depending on How You Get It

The three major sources of alternative energy – hydroturbines (dams), solar, and wind – share the characteristic that how positive or negative they are depends on the way they are obtained.

The simplest form of hydro power is the paddle wheel, which probably causes zero environmental damage and produces very little energy.  At the other extreme is hydro-electric dams which cross entire rivers and are incredibly destructive towards human cultures and aquatic and terrestrial species.  In between are methods such as diverting a portion of the river to harness its power. The book mentions pico-hydroturbines which affect only a portion of a river, generating less than 5kW and are extremely useful for remote areas.  They have minimal environmental effects.  But if a large number of these turbines were placed together in a river, that would be a different matter.  The general rule for water power is that causing less environmental damage means producing less energy.

Many ways to produce energy start with the sun.  Cuba uses passive solar techniques, which do not have toxic processes associated with electricity.  A passivehaus design provides warmth largely via insulation and placement of windows.  Extremely important is body heat.  This makes a passivhaus difficult for Americans, whose homes typically have much more space per person than other countries.  But the design could work better in Cuba, where having three generations living together in a smaller space would contribute to heating quite well.

At the negative extreme of solar energy are the land-hungry electricity-generating arrays.  In between these poles is low-intensity solar power, also being studied by Cuba.

The vast majority of Cubans heat their water for bathing.  Water heaters can depend on solar panels which turn sunlight into electricity.  An even better non-electric design would be to use a box with glass doors and a black tank to collect heat, or to use “flat plate collectors” and then pipe the heated water to an indoor storage tank.  As with hydro-power, simpler designs produce fewer problems but generate less energy.

Wind power is highly similar.  Centuries ago, windmills were constructed with materials from the surrounding areaand did not rely on or produce toxins.  Today’s industrial wind turbines are toxic in every phase of their existence.  In the ambiguous category are small wind turbines and wind pumps, both of which Cuba is exploring.  What hydro, solar and wind power have in common is that non-destructive forms exist but produce less energy.  The more energy-producing a system is, the more problematic it becomes.

Scuttling the Fetish

Since hydro, solar and wind power have reputations as “renewable, clean, green” sources of energy, it is necessary to examine them closely.  Hydro, solar and wind power each require destructive extraction of materials such as lithium, cobalt, silver, aluminum, cadmium, indium, gallium, selenium, tellurium, neodymium, and dysprosium.  All three lead to mountains of toxic waste that vastly exceed the amount obtained for use.  And all require withdrawal of immense amounts of water (a rapidly vanishing substance) during the mining and construction.

Hydro-power also disrupts aquatic species (as well as several terrestrial ones), causes large releases of greenhouse gases (GHGs) from reservoirs, increases mercury poisoning, pushes people out of their homes during construction, intensifies international conflicts, and have killed up to 26,000 people from breakage.  Silicon-based solar panels involves an additional list of toxic chemicals that can poison workers during manufacture, gargantuan loss of farm and forest land for installing “arrays” (which rapidly increases over time), and still more land loss for disposal after their 25-30 year life spans.  Industrial wind turbines require loss of forest land for roads to haul 160 foot blades to mountain tops, land loss for depositing those mammoth blades after use, and energy-intensive storage capacity when there is no wind.

Hydro, solar and wind power are definitely NOT renewable, since they all are based on heavy usage  of materials that are exhausted following continuous mining.  Neither are they “carbon neutral” because all use fossil fuels for extraction of necessary building materials and end-of-life demolition.  The most important point is that the issues listed here are a tiny fraction of total problems, which would require a very thick book to enumerate.

Why use the word “fetish” for approaches to hydro, solar and wind power?  A “fetish” can be described as “a material object regarded with extravagant trust or reverence”  These sources of energy have positive characteristics, but nothing like the reverence often bestowed upon them.

Cuba’s approach to alternative energy is quite different.  Helen Yaffe wrote two of the major articles in Disaster Preparedness.  She also put together the 2021 documentary, Cuba’s life task: Combatting climate change, which includes the following from advisor Orlando Rey Santos:

“One problem today is that you cannot convert the world’s energy matrix, with current consumption levels, from fossil fuels to renewable energies.  There are not enough resources for the panels and wind turbines, nor the space for them.  There are insufficient resources for all this.  If you automatically made all transportation electric tomorrow, you will continue to have the same problems of congestion, parking, highways, heavy consumption of steel and cement.”

Cuba maps out many different outlines for energy in order to focus on those that are the most productive while causing the least damage.  A genuine environmental approach requires a Life Cycle Analysis (LCA, also known as cradle-to-grave accounting) which includes all mining, milling, construction and transport of materials; the energy-gathering process itself (including environmental disruption); along with after-effects such as continuing environmental damage and disposal of waste.  To these must be added social effects such as relocating people, injury and death of those resisting relocation, destruction of sacred cites and disruption of affected cultures.

A “fetish” on a specific energy source denotes tunnel-visioning on its use phase while ignoring preparatory and end-of-life phases and social disruption.  While LCAs are often propounded by corporations, they are typically nothing but window-dressing, to be pitched out of window during actual decision-making.  With an eternal growth dynamic, capitalism has a built-in tendency to downplay negatives when there is an opportunity to add new energy sources to the mix of fossil fuels.

Is It an Obscene Word?

Cuba has no such internal dynamics forcing it to expand the economy if it can provide better lives for all.  The island could be a case study of degrowth economics.  Since “degrowth” is shunned as a quasi-obscenity by many who insist that it would cause immeasurable suffering for the world’s poor, it is necessary to state what it would be.  The best definition is that Global Economic Degrowth means (a) reduction of unnecessary and destructive production by and for rich countries (and people), (b) which exceeds the (c) growth of production of necessities by and for poor countries (and people).

This might not be as economically difficult as some imagine because …

1) The rich world spends such gargantuan wealth on that which is useless and deadly, including war toys, chemical poisons, planned obsolescence, creative destruction of goods, insurance, automobile addiction, among a mass of examples; and,

2) Providing the basic necessities of life can often be relatively cheap, such as health care in Cuba being less than 10% of US expenses (with Cubans having a longer life expectancy and lower infant mortality rate).

Some mischaracterize degrowth, claiming that “Cuba experienced ‘degrowth’ during its ‘Special Period’ and it was horrible.”  Wrong!  Degrowth did not immiserate Cuba – the US embargo did.  US sanctions (or embargo or blockade) of Cuba creates barriers to trade which force absurdly high prices for many goods.  One small example: If Cubans need a spare part manufactured in the US, it cannot be merely shipped from the US, but more likely, arrives via Europe.  That means its cost will reflect: [manufacture] + [cost of shipping to Europe] + [cost of shipping from Europe to Cuba].

What is amazing is that Cuba has developed so many techniques of medical care and disaster management for hurricanes and climate change, despite its double impoverishment from colonial days and neo-colonial attacks from the US.

Daydreaming

Cuba realizes the responsibility it has to protect its extraordinary biodiversity.  Its extensive coral reefs are more resistant to bleaching than most and must be investigated to discover why.  They are accompanied by healthy marine systems which include mangroves and seagrass beds.  Its flora and fauna boast 3022 distinct plant species plus dozens of reptiles, amphibians and bird species which exist only on the island.

For Cuba to implement global environmental protection and degrowth policies it would need to receive financing both to research new techniques and to train the world’s poor in how to develop their own ways to live better.  Such financial support would include …

1) Reparations for centuries of colonial plunder;

2) Reparations for the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, multiple attacks which killed Cuban citizens, hundreds of attempts on Fidel’s life, and decades of slanderous propaganda; and,

3) At least $1 trillion in reparations for losses due to the embargo since 1962.

Why reparations? It is far more than the fact that Cuba has been harmed intensely by the US.  Cuba has a track record proving that it could develop amazing technologies if it were left alone and received the money it deserves.

Like all poor countries, Cuba is forced to employ dubious methods of producing energy in order to survive.  It is unacceptable for rich countries to tell poor countries that they must not use energy techniques which have historically been employed to obtain what is necessary for living.  It is unconscionable for rich countries to fail to forewarn poor countries that repeating practices which we now know are dangerous will leave horrible legacies for their descendants.

Cuba has acknowledged past misdirections including an economy based on sugar, a belief in the need of humanity to dominate nature, support for the “Green Revolution” with its reliance on toxic chemicals, tobacco in food rations, and the repression of homosexuals.  Unless it is sidetracked by by advocates of infinite economic growth, its pattern suggests that it will recognize problems with alternative energy and seek to avoid them.

In the video Cuba’s Life Task, Orlando Rey also observes that “There must be a change in the way of life, in our aspirations.  This is a part of Che Guevara’s ideas on the ‘new man.’  Without forming that new human, it is very difficult to confront the climate issue.”

Integration of poor countries into the global market has meant that areas which were once able to feed themselves are are now unable to do so. Neo-liberalism forces them to use energy sources that are life-preservers in the short run but are death machines for their descendants.  The world must remember that Che’s “new man” will not clamor for frivolous luxuries while others starve.  For humanity to survive, a global epiphany rejecting consumer capitalism must become a material force in energy production.  Was Che only dreaming?  If so, then keep that dream alive!

Don Fitz  is on the Editorial Board of Green Social Thought where a version of this article first appeared. He was the 2016 candidate of the Missouri Green Party for Governor. He is author of Cuban Health Care: The Ongoing Revolution. He can be reached at: fitzdon@aol.com.

Counterpunch, March 28, 2022, https://www.counterpunch.org/2022/03/28/cuba-prepares-for-disaster/